UNIVERSIDADE DE SÃO PAULO ESCOLA DE COMUNICAÇÕES E ARTES PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIAS DA COMUNICAÇÃO MARIA CECÍLIA ANDREUCCI CURY MARCA-PAÍS COMO ENTIDADE SEMIÓTICA A construção simbólica da Marca Brasil 2ª Edição V. 3 São Paulo 2015 PEÇAS JORNALÍSTICAS ORDENADAS POR VEÍCULO MONITORADO SUMÁRIO Der spiegel ............................................................................................................... # 219, vol. 2 Noticias De La Semana ........................................................................................... # 431, vol. 2 The Economist (Parte I) ........................................................................................... # 474, vol. 2 The Economist (Parte II) ......................................................................................... # 628, vol. 3 The Huffington Post (Parte I) ................................................................................... # 722, vol. 3 The Huffington Post (Parte II) ................................................................................ # 1023, vol. 4 Time ..……….. ....................................................................................................... # 1281, vol. 4 628 THE ECONOMIST (PARTE II) Green energy Still short of puff Europe’s wind-turbine makers are pleading for more political support DATA: 2014.03.01 EUROPEAN climate policy has spent vast amounts of public money, sent power utilities to the brink and done little to reduce emissions of carbon dioxide, an impressive display of multi-pronged incompetence. But might all that money at least have built a robust, world-beating European renewables industry? Not yet. European makers of solar panels have been largely wiped out by a combination of the financial crisis and competition from cheaper Chinese rivals. Q-Cells of Germany, once the world’s largest solar manufacturer, went bust in 2012. SolarWorld, Germany’s largest remaining maker, begged successfully for investors’ patience to avoid bankruptcy late last year. The EU, like America, is bringing anti- dumping complaints against Chinese firms, but even if these were to succeed it is clear that the future of solar-panel manufacturing lies beyond Europe. Besides barely-green biomass, geographically limited hydropower and unproven tidal power, that leaves wind turbines as the best hope for European green energy. The picture is brighter than for solar. But Prokon, a German wind-park developer that offered generous profit-shares to small investors, filed for bankruptcy in January. And Europe’s makers of wind turbines have gone through a dark few years, shedding jobs and racking up losses. Vestas, of Denmark, was once the pin-up of the wind-turbine industry. But it overinvested just as others piled into the market. As its balance-sheet deteriorated, investors took fright, forcing the management to announce huge cost-cuts and lay-offs, culminating in the sacking last year of Ditlev Engel, its boss. His successor, Anders Runevad, announced last month that the restructuring was paying off, producing €211m ($288m) in operating profit before special charges. 629 Kristian Tornoe Johansen, an analyst at Danske Bank, thinks that Vestas’s new “asset-light” model, with many of its production processes outsourced, puts it in a strong position to compete in Europe, America and emerging markets. HSBC’s wind-sector analysts are also bullish on Vestas, as they are on two European competitors, Nordex of Germany and Gamesa of Spain, saying that the industry is ready for a turnaround, as it were. Perhaps it is appropriate that Mr Runevad came from Ericsson, a Swedish telecoms-equipment maker. Tom Brookes of the European Climate Foundation compares the renewables firms’ boom and bust to Nokia and Ericsson, which lost their early lead in mobile telephony when Apple and Google entered the market and became “killers”. The two killers the wind-turbine makers should fear are not the Chinese but GE and Siemens, two huge Western conglomerates. GE has overtaken Vestas to become the world’s biggest wind-turbine maker. Siemens outsells Vestas in the small but growing market for offshore windpower installations. Both conglomerates boast that they can offer their customers a complete package of transmission, storage and other capacities, in contrast to Vestas’s focus on generation only. Free as the wind In some countries, such as Brazil, windpower is already competitive without subsidies, and as the technology continues to develop there will be more such markets. But in Europe that point is still far off: Siemens is aiming to cut the cost of electricity from offshore turbines to ten euro cents a kilowatt- hour by 2020, from around 14 cents now, but this is still well above the current cost of fossil-fuel generation. So Europe’s specialist renewables firms are pleading for help. A group of the firms’ bosses, including Mr Runevad, has gone to Brussels to call on the EU to impose a further round of binding renewable- energy targets on each member, for the decade to 2030. The EU’s initial proposals for energy policy during this period, announced in January, did not include these. Mr Runevad and his fellow windpower bosses argue that compulsory targets would encourage power utilities to buy lots of wind turbines, helping their makers achieve economies of scale. Maybe, but there is a more sensible way for Europe to accelerate the switch to renewable energy and boost its wind- turbine makers. It should reform its crippled market in emissions permits, in particular by scrapping the exemptions from having to buy permits that many polluting industries enjoy. If the turbine-makers were to lobby for this, rather than pleading for a guaranteed market share, it would be a sign of an industry confident of its future. From the print edition: Business Disponível em: http://www.economist.com/news/business/21597920-europes-wind-turbine-makers- are-pleading-more-political-support-still-short-puff. Acesso em: 20 de ago. 2014. Protests in Venezuela 630 Stop the spiral Dialogue, not repression, is the way for Nicolás Maduro to save his government and his country DATA: 2014.03.01 THE echoes are striking: division, a government combining a democratic mandate with thuggery, and an opposition that is increasingly radicalised. The parallels between Venezuela and Ukraine are not exact: the fractures in Venezuela are based largely on class, and those in Ukraine partly on geography. But both are caught in a spiral of protest and violent response. Years of mismanagement of the oil-rich economy, first by Hugo Chávez and latterly by Nicolás Maduro, his successor, have come home to roost. The country is sitting on the world’s largest oil reserves, but scaring off the investment needed to exploit them. Much of its oil revenue has been sucked up by corruption, or diverted to unsustainable social programmes and subsidies to allies, especially Cuba. The private sector is treated like a hostile force. Basic goods, from cooking oil to toilet paper, are scarce. Throw in rampant crime, and no wonder the country is buckling under the biggest protests in a decade. Mr Maduro won a (wafer-thin) majority last year, and although that result was tainted by suspicions of fraud, recent local elections suggest that half the population—mostly poorer people—still backs chavismo. But democracy does not end at the ballot box. Mr Maduro, a former bus driver, rose through the ranks by offering Chávez unconditional loyalty; he won the presidency by invoking the comandante’s ghost (once claiming to have been visited by the late president in the form of a bird). Lacking his mentor’s charisma, he appears unable to resist his party’s hardliners, whose only answer to dissent is repression. The government’s response to the protests has followed a totalitarian script: armed activists on the streets, media blackouts and the arrest of Leopoldo López, an opposition figure, on trumped-up charges. Repression will provoke more protests and more violence, and further damage the economy. The death toll already stands at 13. If it is not to rise dramatically, everybody must draw back. The opposition—supported by better-off and professional Venezuelans—is right to demand the freeing of Mr López and other political prisoners, an investigation into torture by the security forces and the disarmament of armed pro-government militias known ascolectivos. But rowdy opposition leaders who have blocked city streets should take down the barricades and instead should follow Henrique Capriles, 631 leader of the moderates, who has called for protests to remain peaceful. The opposition has a responsibility to keep the streets calm. Latin American governments have obligations, too. Most of the region has been uncritical of Mr Maduro since the protests began in early February; Brazil, the regional heavyweight, has been characteristically mute. Leftist sympathy for chavismo is one thing. Allowing Venezuela to become another Cuba, without any cry of complaint, would make a mockery of the claims of Latin America to be a democratic continent. The revolution will eat itself However, the man who can do most to break the spiral of violence sits in Miraflores, the presidential palace in Caracas. Mr Maduro must realise that his strategy of dividing Venezuela is only deepening its misery. If he wants to avoid chaos, he must instead seek to unify the country. The regime will forfeit its claims to democratic legitimacy if he does not get the armed gangs off the streets, allow the media to report what is going on, release