The Rocky Road to Energy Dominance: the Executive Branch's Limited Authority to Modify and Revoke Withdrawals of Federal Lands from Mineral Production

The Rocky Road to Energy Dominance: the Executive Branch's Limited Authority to Modify and Revoke Withdrawals of Federal Lands from Mineral Production

ARTICLES The Rocky Road to Energy Dominance: The Executive Branch's Limited Authority to Modify and Revoke Withdrawals of Federal Lands from Mineral Production HILLARY M. HOFFMANN* & ROBERT L. GLICKSMAN** ABSTRACT The Trump Administration's implementation of its America First Energy Plan, whose goal was achieving U.S. ªenergy dominance,º heavily relied upon public mineral development. Mineral development on federal lands is substan- tially governed by statute. The statutory legal mechanisms by which the Executive Branch can ªopenº or ªcloseº an area of federal lands to mineral development, whether onshore or offshore, are withdrawal, modi®cation, and revocation. The Federal Land Policy and Management Act (ªFLPMAº) and the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act (ªOCSLAº) are the primary statutes that govern onshore and offshore mineral development on over 2 billion acres of federal lands. Both FLPMA and OCSLA authorize withdrawals, which the Executive can use to place federal lands off limits to mineral development. FLPMA also authorizes modi®cations and revocations of withdrawals, which can remove constraints on such development. The Trump Administration used both statutes in its quest to expand the areas that are available for private mineral development through modi®cation or revocation of withdrawals by prior administrations. The authority provided by FLPMA and OCSLA to determine the availability of federal lands for mineral development is subject to a series of substantive and procedural constraints. Because it regarded those constraints as undesir- able shackles on the implementation of its mineral development policies, and * Professor of Law, Vermont Law School; Visiting Robert H. McKinney Family Chair in Environmental Law, Indiana University Robert H. McKinney School of Law (Fall 2020). © 2021, Hillary M. Hoffmann & Robert L. Glicksman. ** J.B. & Maurice C. Shapiro Professor of Environmental Law, The George Washington University Law School. 173 174 THE GEORGETOWN ENVTL. LAW REVIEW [Vol. 33:173 consistent with its expansive view of Executive Branch power in almost all con- texts, the Administration was not content to rely on statutory authorization to modify and revoke development-precluding withdrawals. Instead, it also invoked nonstatutory, implied or inherent authority to open vast areas of federal lands to oil and gas, coal, and other mineral development. Notwithstanding the paucity of judicial precedent governing the parameters of statutory and nonstatutory Executive Branch authority to reopen lands previ- ously placed off limits to mineral development, signi®cant questions surround the legality of the Trump Administration's efforts to alter the status of protected lands and resources. Although it viewed downsizing or revocation of with- drawals by previous administrations as a quick and effective way to open up vast new acreage to mineral development, the legal basis for its actions is tenu- ous at best. This Article examines both statutory and nonstatutory mechanisms for deter- mining the availability of federal onshore and offshore lands for uses such as mineral exploration and development. It identi®es the constraints that FLPMA and OCSLA impose on revocation or modi®cation of previous withdrawals. It also explores the parameters of nonstatutory Executive mineral disposition authority and assesses the legality of the signi®cant Trump Administration with- drawal modi®cation and revocation efforts. It concludes that Congress has eliminated any implied or inherent withdrawal, revocation, or modi®cation authority that may once have existed. It also ®nds that the most prominent and controversial of the Trump withdrawal modi®cations and revocations exceeded the authority the Executive Branch retains under FLPMA and OCSLA. As a result, the Trump Administration's unauthorized pursuit of energy dominance should result in judicial invalidation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................................. 175 I. The History of Withdrawals and Revocations Prior to OCSLA and FLPMA................................................ 183 A. 1800-1900: Acquisition, Disposal, and the Pursuit of Manifest Destiny ............................................ 184 B. 1900-1950: Transitioning into Retention and Conservation, and Growing Questions About Withdrawal and Revocation Authority . 188 II. Congressional Attempts to Organize the Chaos: the Legislative History of the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act and the Federal Land Policy and Management Act ......................................... 194 A. Offshore Public Mineral Development and OCSLA . 194 1. The Origins of the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act . 194 2. OCSLA's Limited Delegation of Presidential Withdrawal Authority ....................................... 197 2021] THE ROCKY ROAD TO ENERGY DOMINANCE 175 B. Onshore Public Mineral Development and the Development of FLPMA ........................................... 204 1. FLPMA'S Legislative History ± The Public Land Law Review Commission Report . .............................. 205 2. FLPMA's Limited Delegation of Secretarial Withdrawal and Revocation Authority . ............................. 211 III. Chaos Further Resolved: Congress's Limited Delegations of Authority Over Withdrawals in OCSLA and FLPMA ...................... 217 A. Nonstatutory Presidential Revocations on Federal Lands: A Relic of the Past . ........................................... 218 B. What Remains: Limited Executive Branch Authority to Make, Modify, or Revoke Withdrawals of Federal Lands Under OCSLA and FLPMA ........................................ 223 Conclusion .................................................. 230 INTRODUCTION The Trump Administration's energy legacy depended heavily on revoking or diminishing previous administrations' withdrawals that protected federally owned land from exploration and development of minerals such as oil, gas, and coal. The Administration made its zeal for achieving what it later dubbed ªenergy dominanceº1 clear almost immediately after President Trump took of®ce in January 2017. In March of that year, he issued an executive order requiring fed- eral agencies to review actions that ªpotentially burden the development or use of domestically produced energy resources,º particularly fossil fuel and nuclear energy resources.2 The order directed the Secretary of the Interior to ªlift any and all moratoria on Federal land coal leasing activities.º3 This language re¯ected the Trump Administration's response to an Obama-era Secretarial order halting review of new applications for federal coal leases pending the preparation of a programmatic environmental impact statement (ªEISº) under the National Environmental Policy Act (ªNEPAº).4 Within days, President Trump's ®rst Secretary of Interior, Ryan Zinke, revoked the Obama coal-leasing ban order, 1. See White House Fact Sheet, President Donald J. Trump Is Unleashing American Energy Dominance (May 14, 2019), available at https://perma.cc/849Q-65E9; Justin Worland, President Trump Says He Wants 'Energy Dominance.' What Does He Mean?, TIME (June 29, 2017), https://perma.cc/ SE2M-LZX7 (noting that President Trump's ªenergy dominanceº agenda included ªa slew of initiatives aimed at speeding up production of oil, natural gas and coal . Trump has described his policies as a dramatic shift in direction from the Obama years, [which he] described . as `eight years of hell' that included `massive job-killing barriers to American energy development.'º). 2. Exec. Order No. 13783, Presidential Executive Order in Promoting Energy Independence and Economic Growth, §§ 2(a) & (b), 82 Fed. Reg. 16093, 16093 (Mar. 28, 2017). The Order de®ned burden to mean ªunnecessarily obstruct, delay, curtail, or otherwise impose signi®cant costs on the siting, permitting, production, utilization, transmission, or delivery of energy resources.º Id. § 2(b). 3. Id. § 6, 82 Fed. Reg. 16096. 4. Secretarial Order No. 3338, Discretionary Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement to Modernize the Federal Coal Program §§ 4, 5a (Jan. 15, 2016), https://perma.cc/GMH3-KDPN. 176 THE GEORGETOWN ENVTL. LAW REVIEW [Vol. 33:173 ®nding that ªthe public interest is not served by halting the Federal coal program for an extended time, nor is a [programmatic EIS] required to consider potential improvements to the program.º5 Zinke directed the Interior Department's Bureau of Land Management (ªBLMº) ªto process coal lease applications and modi®ca- tions expeditiously.º6 Two months later, Secretary of Energy Rick Perry, during the Administration's self-described ªEnergy Week,º singled out the Obama Administration's ªhostility towards coalº as the most important factor in the coal industry's falling fortunes.7 Shifting his attention offshore, in April 2017, President Trump initiated an effort to open up submerged lands off the coast of Alaska and in the North Atlantic, which had been withdrawn from oil and gas development by President Obama, using the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act (ªOCSLAº).8 In another ex- ecutive order, President Trump announced a policy of ªencourag[ing] energy ex- ploration and production, including on the Outer Continental Shelf, in order to maintain the nation's position as a global energy leader, and foster energy secu- rity and resilience.º9 The order directed the Interior Secretary to consider revising the schedule of proposed oil and gas lease sales so that it included annual lease sales ªto the maximum extent permitted by law.º10 President Trump also ordered the Secretary of Commerce

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