‘A kingdom of iron and rust:’ identity, legitimacy, and the performance of contentious politics in Rome (180-238CE) A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy At the University of Canterbury By Amanda Jane Macauley Classics Department University of Canterbury 2019 Acknowledgements Akin to public speaking, articulating deep gratitude in words is not a skill I have been able to master, and this page has been one of the hardest for me to write. Usually, when one looks at the acknowledgements page, there is a vast array of academics, family and friends to be thanked. In my case, the list is small and concise. By no means, however, does this mean I have been short-changed in the support department – far from it. First honours go to Dr Gary Morrison. Gary has been my supervisor and mentor for my entire postgraduate career. It is no exaggeration to say that I would have sailed off into the sunset after my honours year without his encouragement and guidance, which would have meant missing out on the extraordinary privilege of undertaking research simply for research’s sake. I’m sure at times Gary may have wished that I did hoist anchor, given the constant funding applications, marking and advice that he was regularly required to dispense, but I am, and have always been, incredibly grateful. Gratitude and hugs also go to my associate supervisor Assoc. Prof. Enrica Sciarrino who, like Gary, is a sterling character and an academic at the top of her game. Both have always provided top-notch feedback and an open door, be it for questions or wine. In terms of my wider support circles, I have many people to thank. Fran Cox and Kate Tinkler were fellow postgraduate students who are now treasured friends. They have been a lifeline during the last few years, especially when so many people outside the academic sphere have questioned my sanity in doing a Ph.D. in the humanities. If I had a dollar for every time somebody replied with ‘oh, but what will you do with it?’ I would be $47 richer. My martial arts family have also been an invaluable support, allowing me to take my mind off thorny, abstract issues by letting me punch and kick them five times a week. Thanks for that. Likewise to my other friends, old and new, who allow me to spray my opinions on politics, food, and the state of the All Blacks before retreating to my introvert shell – you are all magnificent and I love you. As for my family, I am truly blessed. I initially returned to university after the Christchurch earthquakes left my daughter traumatised and my son without any childcare. Study was a flexible way to stay at home and look after my children while keeping the mental cogs ii whirring. My babies have grown up in the last nine years watching their mother constantly question everything and put in the hard yards; lessons that they both have absorbed and put into practice (almost) every day. Maya and Tom, I am so proud of you both, but seriously, clean your rooms. To my husband Wade, I owe all the superlatives in the world. He has offered unflagging support, love, and misplaced admiration. You make my life wonderful and this thesis is for you. This study has been supported by a number of grants and scholarships. The University of Canterbury has provided financial support through a UC Doctoral Scholarship. I also received travel funding through the College of Arts Postgraduate Fund, a Doctoral Overseas Travel Grant thanks to the estate of Dr Elman Poole, and a grant from the Graduate Women of Canterbury, all of which enabled me to travel to Rome for research, and attend overseas conferences. iii Table of Contents Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ ii Abstract ............................................................................................................................ vi Abbreviations ................................................................................................................... vii Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1: What are they shouting about? Contentious politics and Rome ...................... 16 Theoretical framework .................................................................................................................... 16 Imperial regimes, capacity, and ‘democracy’ .................................................................................. 25 Legitimacy, consensus, and the imperial moral economy ............................................................... 30 From consensus to subversion: contentious practices in the early imperial period ....................... 41 Conclusion: Roman contentious politics ......................................................................................... 60 Chapter 2: The beginning of a contentious cycle .............................................................. 63 Exogenous factors during the late 2nd century CE ........................................................................... 67 The ‘early risers’ of Commodus’ reign ............................................................................................. 71 Crisis and conspiracy: the Cleander riot of 190CE ........................................................................... 79 193CE: From crisis to coup—who legitimises the emperor? ........................................................... 89 Foundational myth and Severan control of public space .............................................................. 110 The diffusion of contention between 180-211CE .......................................................................... 117 Chapter 3: Collective identity and evolving perceptions of imperial justice ..................... 121 The spatial dimensions of imperial injustice under Caracalla ....................................................... 127 Competing identities under Macrinus ........................................................................................... 139 Collective identity begets collective violence: the riots of 222-223CE .......................................... 151 Constraining contention: the urban programme of Alexander Severus ....................................... 189 The polarisation of military and civilian identities between 211-235CE ....................................... 194 Chapter 4: The beginning of crisis? Framing and identity processes between 235-238CE 196 From centre to periphery: military identity and political opportunity .......................................... 197 Maximinus as the ‘barbarian Other:’ the mobilising effects of reactive nationalism ................... 205 From resistance to revolution: the coup of Gordian I ................................................................... 218 The civil war of 238CE ................................................................................................................... 233 Chapter 5: What to make of it all? The contentious cycle of 180-238CE .......................... 258 The riot as a contentious repertoire .............................................................................................. 258 238CE: evidence of a popular social movement? .......................................................................... 266 The role of collective identity and framing in early 3rd century CE contention ............................. 270 iv Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 273 Appendix ....................................................................................................................... 282 Recorded episodes of political contention between 180-238CE ................................................... 282 Bibliography .................................................................................................................. 286 Primary Sources ............................................................................................................................. 286 Secondary sources ......................................................................................................................... 291 v Abstract Of all the crises that Rome experienced during its long and illustrious history, arguably none was greater than the accumulation of external and internal conflicts during the third century CE. Most scholars date this crisis from the accession of Maximinus Thrax in 235CE, yet the processes that chipped away at the Augustan system of stable imperial authority were set into motion years earlier. In particular, the years between the accession of Commodus in 180CE and Gordian III in 238CE saw increasing authoritarian rule, demographic change and economic instability. During this time, Rome hosted a dramatic escalation of politically motivated violence, including riots, demonstrations, street battles, vandalism and repeated performances of popular justice rituals, as the city’s main political actors, the emperor, urban plebs, Senate, and Praetorian Guard, made public claims against each other using both established and innovative forms of collective action. The extreme was arrived at 238CE in the form of a revolutionary situation: a deep split in the control of the imperial regime’s coercive means during which every actor’s interests were at risk, prompting many of them to mobilise for action. Such