SPOTLIGHT ON PREVENTION Reducing HIV Infection in Young Women in Southern Africa: The Key to Altering Epidemic Trajectories in a Generalized, Hyperendemic Setting Quarraisha Abdool Karim, PhD, and Hilton Humphries, MA The global HIV pandemic has evolved into Communities in Southern Africa1 are burdened a complex mosaic of epidemics within and with the highest HIV prevalence in the world. One between countries, with no single solution for segment of the general population is especially vul- preventing HIV infection. Increasing access to nerable: girls and young women. Some public health antiretroviral treatment has reduced AIDS-related experts now believe that the way to alter epidemic mortality and morbidity rates, but—with nearly trajectories in this region is to use rigorous inter- three million new infections each year—we are los- vention science to create innovative, comprehen- ing the HIV prevention battle (Joint United Nations sive prevention programming that targets girls and Programme on HIV/AIDS [UNAIDS] 2008), primar- young women. ily in sub-Saharan Africa. HIV Infection in Southern Africa For prevention efforts to succeed, prevention pro- Southern Africa is at the epicenter of the global gramming must be tailored to the specific charac- pandemic. Home to less than 1 percent of the teristics of the epidemic that is unfolding in the area global population, it carries a disproportionate to be targeted. Assessing an epidemic at the local or 17 percent of the global burden of HIV infection. regional level is an important first step to enhancing UNAIDS describes the region’s epidemic typology and customizing prevention responses. This requires as a generalized, hyperendemic epidemic charac- a nuanced understanding of who is at highest risk of terized by uniquely high HIV prevalence, ongoing infection and what drives that risk. With this infor- high incidence rates, and substantial morbidity and mation, program planners can determine who the mortality, despite increasing access to antiretrovi- target populations are and how to reduce risk with ral treatment (UNAIDS 2008). Although HIV was evidence-based interventions that are appropriate introduced relatively late in the region, compared and acceptable and that have proven ability to reduce to North America and Central and East Africa, HIV incidence. HIV has spread at an unprecedented rate, with 1 Defined here as including eight countries: Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. The views in this editorial do not necessarily reflect those of USAID or the U.S. Government 1 spotlight on prevention • reducing hiv infection in young women in southern africa prevalence in pregnant women ranging from 10 to be infected with HIV than young boys in the same age 30 percent (UNAIDS 2009). group, even though boys begin having sex at an earlier age. By age 20, approximately one-third of young Population-based studies undertaken in the early women are infected with HIV (Gregson et al. 2002; 1990s (Abdool Karim et al. 1992) and in 2005 (Shisana Shisana et al. 2005). et al. 2005) demonstrate a unique characteristic of the epidemic in Southern Africa: the stark age-sex Significantly, new cohorts of young women and girls difference in the distribution of HIV infection (Fig- become sexually active each year and, given the high ure 1). Women acquire HIV infection approximately background prevalence of HIV in Southern Africa, five to seven years earlier than men because of the their risk of infection is high. The epidemiological data widespread practice of intergenerational sex with make clear that it is not having sex per se that increas- older men, many of whom are already infected with es young women’s risk of acquiring HIV infection but HIV. These men, who are more likely to have multiple instead the age of the male partner with whom they concurrent partners and less likely to use condoms are having sex. If the partner is not a peer, the risk (Gregson et al. 2002), increase their risk of both ac- increases steadily from male partners age 20 and up. quiring and transmitting the disease. This widespread This age-sex difference in HIV acquisition patterns is behavior pattern of intergenerational sex is a major of greatest significance for women under 20 years old driver of HIV infection in the region. (Gregson et al. 2002). A 2005 national youth survey undertaken in South Once a young woman becomes infected, the risk Africa (Pettifor et al. 2005) further highlights the to others in her sexual network compounds. When disproportionate burden of HIV infection in young women and men engage in multiple and/or concur- women 15 to 19 years old, compared to young boys rent partnerships, this leads to higher transmission in the same age group, because it illustrates the yearly rates. Thus, if HIV infection rates in women under 20 HIV acquisition rates in young women compared to years can be reduced, creating a break in the chain of boys (Figure 2). Young girls in Southern Africa under transmission, the spread of HIV in the general popula- 20 years of age are three to six times more likely to tion will also decrease. The national cross-sectional population-based surveys 10 Male undertaken by the Human Science Research Council 8 Female demonstrate a reduction in HIV prevalence in young ) ) women in the 15- to 24-year-old age range from 2005 6 to 2008. In contrast, several longitudinal studies in 4 South Africa demonstrate high incidence rates ranging Prevalence (% Prevalence (% from 9.1 per 100 women years (6.9–11.7, 95 percent 2 confidence interval [CI]) to 16.5 per 100 women 0 years (1.0–2.5, 95 percent CI) (Abdool Karim et al. 2010; Van Damme 2002). Efforts to alter HIV epidem- <9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-39 40-49 >49 figure 1. hiv prevalence in south africa, 1992, by age and sex ic trajectories need to make reducing HIV infection (adapted from Abdool Karim et al. 1992). rates in young women a priority. 2 spotlight on prevention • reducing hiv infection in young women in southern africa figure 2. hiv prevalence among 15–24 year olds in south africa, 2003, by age and sex (adapted from Pettifor et al. 2005: 1528). what have we learned about HIV Three key interlinked factors further drive HIV risk prevention for young women? in young black women, the group at highest risk of For women, and young women in particular, HIV risk acquiring HIV infection in Southern Africa: no sense derives not only from greater biological vulnerability of the future or control of their destiny, which is ex- to infection, but also from gender roles and power acerbated in settings where gender-based violence disparities that limit their ability to follow the ABCCC is epidemic, such as in South Africa (Jewkes et al. approach to prevention: practice abstinence, be in 2007); poor personalization of HIV risk; and lack of monogamous relationships, demand condom use, knowledge of HIV status. be conscious of your HIV status, or insist that male partners be circumcised. In other words, our cur- The first factor—an inability to envision a secure and rent “prevention toolbox” is woefully inadequate for promising adulthood—is largely a result of gender preventing HIV infection in young women who cannot inequity. A long history of exclusion of black women negotiate monogamy and/or condom use with their from the formal economy, due to either political sexual partner. exclusion or societal constructions of masculinity and 3 spotlight on prevention • reducing hiv infection in young women in southern africa femininity, have resulted in major disparities in power HIV through life skills and abstinence-only programs between men and women. delivered by educators and peer educators. Economic marginalization and gender inequity bring So far, however, no school-based intervention any- with them a greater risk of poverty. Because mar- where in the world has been effective in statistically riage is rare, the norm for many women has become reducing HIV incidence in young women. The rigor sexual relationships of varying duration, households and quality of these interventions have been incon- of children by different fathers, and, ultimately, an in- sistent, as has their evaluation. In Southern Africa, creasing number of female-headed households, usu- the poor state of education—inadequate infrastruc- ally with low or unstable income. As a result, many ture, insufficient human resources, and poor quality young black women grow up with the belief that the of teaching, particularly in historically disadvantaged short-term benefits of engaging in sex with multiple communities—have limited the ability of these school- partners are their only means of economic survival. based interventions to be delivered effectively, or This “living for the moment” allows little room for have failed to saturate the target groups sufficiently to considering how decisions made today affect the fu- make a difference. Of note is the fact that HIV risk- ture. In contexts where sex for survival is dominant, reduction programs administered by non-educators there is immense peer pressure to be sexually active are more likely to result in positive behavioral out- at an early age, and to have sex with older men to comes than educator-delivered programs (Jukes, acquire material resources. Simmons, and Bundy 2008). This is probably because students feel more comfortable discussing these issues For both women and men, there is also poor inter- with someone they do not know and do not see on nalization and sometimes outright denial of the HIV a regular basis, unlike their teachers, with whom they crisis in the region; HIV is too often seen as “someone interact daily. else’s problem.” Many Southern Africans do not per- sonalize HIV risk, which leads to low rates of condom use, low uptake of voluntary counseling and testing Even where resources are available and conditions are services, and low levels of knowledge of HIV status.