‘Words from the Heart’: New Forms of Islamic Preaching in Egypt By Lindsay Wise St. Antony’s College Oxford University Trinity Term, 2003 M.PHIL THESIS IN MODERN MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES 2 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Firstly, I owe great thanks to my thesis supervisor Walter Armbrust, for his guidance, infinite patience and encouragement, and perhaps most of all, for convincing me to keep an open mind about my thesis topic when I went to Cairo. His enthusiasm for my research gave me the confidence to take on a difficult project, while our long talks gave me the practical tools I needed to tackle the challenge. Secondly, to a man I consider a mentor, Bill Quandt, I can only say that words are inadequate to express how essential his inspiration, wisdom and support were to bring me to this point. If it was not for his stimulating classes and thoughtful advice during my time at the University of Virginia and afterwards, I would probably not be at Oxford, much less planning to build a career around the study of the Middle East. His constant encouragement over the years has convinced me to take risks, believe in myself and follow my heart. I am also indebted to Partick Haenni, who shared his observations of the “Amr Khaled Phenomenon” and his file of press clippings with me. At the American University in Cairo, Asef Bayat and Emad Shahin both helped enormously by taking the time to impart their thoughts and analyses. To Prof. Shahin, I owe special thanks for offering to guide my research in Cairo if and when I return. In addition I am grateful to Dr. Hala Mustafa and Fahmy Howeidy for their openness and interest. Consultations with James Piscatori at the Islamic Centre and Ron Netter at the Oriental Institute were extremely helpful and perceptive. At the Oriental Institute, Najah Shamaa and I worked through many an article on Khaled together, helping me get through the mountain of primary materials. Thanks also to the sharp editing and keen interest of Pat Hanlon, whose heartfelt enthusiasm helped push me to the finish line. Perhaps my greatest debt is to my Arabic teacher Abeer Heidier, who helped me translate Words from the Heart, and her family, who offered so much honest insight, Egyptian hospitality and sincere friendship. And of course, to all the friends and acquaintances in Cairo whose real names I have not used in the interest of privacy, I hope they may recognize their contributions and realize the respect and affection I will always have for them. Thanks especially to Laura James for the late-night “tutorials” and tea in Cairo. Her compassion and wisdom touched me (and this thesis) more than she knows. And to Kanako Mabuchi, for being my rock in Egypt, as well as Rachel Ziemba, whose French translation and last-minute editing skills, lucky for me, nearly equal her talent in the kitchen. And, of course, to David, with gratefulness for his endless patience, utter faith in me, and all those things we know and love about each other that transcend words. Finally, to Mom, Jason, Eric and Anne for putting up with me, believing in me, and being so proud of me, you are my heart and my strength. Most of all, to Daddy: Everything I ever write is for you. My achievements are yours. In all that I experience, everywhere I go, I live for you. 4 CONTENTS Acknowledgements 3 Contents 4 I: Introduction 5 II. Preaching and Sociopolitical Authority in Islam 13 The Islamic Preacher in Context 18 Preacher and Ruler: An "Authoritative" History 20 Categorizing the Preacher: "Role Uncertainty" 26 Da'wa: Answering and Issuing the Call 29 III. Mass Media, Modernity and Islam 35 Character and Caricature: Putting a Face on the Islamic Revival 39 Mediating Modernity 43 Televised Da'wa 46 New Media and Discourse in the Public Sphere 53 IV. The Nature of Amr Khaled's Appeal 55 "Marketing" Islam 56 The Politics of Fashion: Interpreting Symbolic Displays of Public Piety 60 "The Sheikh of the Rawshana" 63 The Medium and the Message 65 Testimonials: The Argument of a Changed life 67 Born-Again Christian and Veiled-Again Muslims 75 'Just Say No" to Satan: A Discourse of Compromise 77 V. Is Amr Khaled Subversive? Risks of Boundary-Straddling 81 The Aftermath: Denials, Distrust and a Cyberspace Counter-Offensive 82 The Rumors: Implications of a Boundary-Straddling Identity 86 The Hijab Rumor: The Politics of Gender, Class, and Repentant Actresses 92 Amr Khaled, Islamists, Feminists and the Veil in Egypt 93 Amr Khaled and the "Protestant Ethic": The Implcations of Class Discourse 99 VI. Conclusion 103 Works Cited 109 Appendix 115 5 CHAPTER ONE: Introduction The terrorist attacks of September 11 reinvigorated fears about “Islamic Fundamentalism,” a term used in the media to conjure images of bearded and turbaned zealots spoiling for holy war against the West. Throughout the search for answers and preparations for war in the tragedy’s aftermath, such images have continued to obscure the true nuance and complexity of Islam and its practice across the modern world. After all, the “most fashionable face of the faith” in Cairo today is a young accountant who wears sharp suits and a trim moustache, speaks in an elegant but easy-to-follow blend of colloquial slang and Classical Arabic, and moves listeners to tears and laughter with his retellings of Qu‘ranic stories and promises of God’s redeeming love. 1 Amr Khaled, a soft-spoken 36-year-old lay preacher, works the crowds with a charismatic style that combines the trendiness of Egyptian pop singer Amr Diab with the down-home missionary appeal of Western televangelist Billy Graham, and the self-help wisdom of popular American TV psychologist Dr. Phil.2 Ever since he began giving inspirational talks on Islam in private homes and clubs in the late 1990s, Khaled’s fame has grown to the degree that observers hail him as the most popular television preacher in Egypt since the beloved Sheikh Sha‘rawi, who died in 1998. Significantly, Khaled declines to discuss domestic politics or issue fatwas,3 prefering to emphasize emotion, God’s love, and issues of personal piety, such as dating, family relationships, veiling, hygiene, manners, Internet use, and leisure. In one of his most popular taped sermons, The Youth and the Summer (A- shubab wa a-sayf), Khaled addressed the question of whether it is a sin to go on a vacation to trendy beach resorts on the Red Sea coast, laying out step-by-step guide of how to enjoy the break constructively while 1 “Egypt’s Islamists,” 42. 2 Bayat first suggested this specific set of comparisons in the July 2002 issue of ISIM Newsletter, but many articles in both the Egyptian and international press liken Khaled to Graham, as well as other televangelists. In addition, numerous articles in Rose al-Youssef, Al-Ahram Weekly and The Associated Press, have played up the similarity between those who admire the two “Amrs” Khaled and Diab. 3 Khaled does comment on regional current events, including the war in Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Within the parameters of this thesis, I was not able to examine his comments on these topics very closely, but from what I gather, he sees such “Arab tragedies” as reflections of the spiritual shortcomings of today’s Muslims. His response to 11 September was to call for a dialogue of civilizations and understanding between Christians and Muslims, while his preaching during Gulf War II emphasized giving blood and donating aid to the Iraqis. The essence of his argument is that Muslims should help each other, but first have to “change themselves” and improve the moral character of society. Only then will God help them address these larger problems. 6 avoiding Satan. 4 But it is his style of preaching on TV—in a talk show format featuring audience participation and testimonials from both ordinary and famous people—that sets Khaled apart and makes him such a favorite with privileged youth and women. They say he looks like them, speaks their language and makes their religion relevant to their lives without shouting at them about fire and brimstone in incomprehensible Classical Arabic. His tapes, videos and CDs reportedly outsell Cairo’s top music stars, while his lectures in mosques and clubs around the city have attracted thousands, many of whom reportedly stand listening in the streets, moved to public displays of emotion by his oratory skills. His numerous television shows on cable and satellite channels are among the most eagerly watched and talked-about programs during Ramadan. In the words of one 24-year-old Egyptian friend, “During Ramadan, it’s nothing but Amr Khaled, Amr Khaled, Amr Khaled.” I first heard Khaled’s name when visiting an Egyptian family I met in Cairo in the summer of 2002. An Egyptian-American classmate had invited me to her family’s holiday apartment at the private Agamy beach resort outside Alexandria. In the course of conversation, she mentioned her aunt had only recently decided to wear higab, or Islamic dress in the form of a headscarf and modest clothes. My friend said a popular new television preacher had inspired greater religious observance in scores of other women like her aunt, an upper-middle class professional who long resisted the social pressure to wear higab, even as it became an increasingly obvious presence on the streets of Cairo over the last few decades. I began asking questions, and soon discovered a fierce debate in the Arab press and on the streets of Cairo over Khaled’s meteoric rise to fame and fortune as an “Islamic televangelist.” The following week, the rumor went out that the Egyptian government had banned Khaled from preaching at a mosque in an affluent suburb of Cairo, having already banned him from speaking publicly inside the city.