On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe Issue no. 12/2014 Scientific Committee: • Prof. Dr. Gérard BOSSUAT, European Union Liaison Committee of Historians/ Professor Emeritus, Université de Cergy- Pontoise, France • Prof. Dr.dr.h.c. Wichard WOYKE, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Munster, Germany • Prof. Dr. Wilfried LOTH, President of the European Union Liaison Committee of Historians/Duisburg-Essen University, Germany • Prof. Dr. phil. habil Michael GEHLER, Universität Hildesheim, Germany • Prof. Dr. Dr.h.c. Reinhard MEYERS, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Munster, Germany • Prof. Dr. Dietmar WILSKE, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Munster, Germany • Prof. Dr. Sylvain SCHIRMANN, Director of the Institut d’études Politiques de Strasbourg, France • Prof. Dr. Ioan HORGA, Institute for Euroregional Studies, University of Oradea • Prof. Dr. George POEDE, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iaşi, Iași • Prof. Dr. Nicu GAVRILUTA, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iaşi, Iași • Prof. Dr. Vasile PUȘCAȘ, Babeş-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Prof. Dr. Ovidiu PECICAN, Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Prof. Dr. Marius JUCAN, Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Prof. Dr. Gheorghe CLIVETI, “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University, Iaşi • Assoc. Prof. Dr. Adrian BASARABA, West University, Timişoara • Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mircea MANIU, Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Assoc. Prof. Dr. Simion COSTEA, Petru Maior University, Tg. Mureș • Assoc. Prof. Dr. Liviu ȚÎRĂU, Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Assoc. Prof. Dr. Georgiana CICEO, Babeş-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nicoleta RACOLTA-PAINA, Babeş-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Assoc. Prof. Dr. Florin DUMA, Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Assist. Prof. Dr. Mariano BARBATO (Professor DAAD), Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca • Dr. Titus POENARU, Industry, Research and Energy (Policy Advisor), EP Brussels • Dr. Gilda TRUICĂ, European Institute of Romania, Head of Communication Unit Editorial Staff Prof. Dr. Nicolae PĂUN: [email protected] Assoc. Prof. Dr. Georgiana CICEO: [email protected] Lect. Dr. Miruna BALOSIN: [email protected] Lect. Dr. Adrian CORPĂDEAN: [email protected] Dr. Horațiu DAN: [email protected] The On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe represents the best way of disseminating the results of the project at a national and international level. The call for papers is opened to every MA or PhD student, young researchers, academic staff interested to promote researches and present different perspectives on the EU. 1 On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe Issue no. 12/2014 CONTENTS I. Georgiana CICEO: EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: PARTIES, ISSUES AND POLICY POSITIONING IN THE NEW LEGISLATIVE TERM. INTRODUCTION II. Richard ROUSSEAU: THE “DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT” AND LEGITIMACY PROBLEMS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: ELEMENTS OF THE DEBATE III. Miruna Andreea BALOSIN: THE EUROPEAN UNION ELECTORAL REFORM: ANDREW DUFF REPORT IV. Ciprian PĂUN: THE NEW COMMUNITY DIMENSION. A PARLIAMENT FOR EU CITIZENS V. Cristian-Alexandru LEAHU: 2014 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS IN ROMANIA. KEY FACTS AND FIGURES VI. Titus POENARU: THE IMPACT OF THE 2014 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS ON THE EU POLICIES ON JUSTICE, FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND RULE OF LAW VII. Michel LABORI: LES ELECTIONS EUROPENNES DE 2014 VIII. Adrian-Gabriel CORPĂDEAN: THE SCOTTISH REFERENDUM SEEN THROUGH THE LENS OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IX. Georgiana-Claudia MANOLE, Dorin-Mircea DOBRA: THE COSAC PROCEDURE AND NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT PROCEDURES X. Alina ANDREICA: THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IN SOCIAL MEDIA 2 On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe Issue no. 12/2014 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: PARTIES, ISSUES AND POLICY POSITIONING IN THE NEW LEGISLATIVE TERM. INTRODUCTION Dr. Georgiana Ciceo Associate Professor Faculty of European Studies Babeş-Bolyai University Cluj-Napoca, Romania [email protected] In May 2014, 500 million Europeans chose their representatives in the European Parliament. There was the eighth round of elections since 1979 when the first direct electoral voting for the EP was organized. The elections were considered to mark a new milestone in the evolution of the EP as an institution of the European Union. They were supposed to mark a 'first' from at least two points of view: the first since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, which widened significantly the legislative and budgetary powers of the EP, and the first to indirectly determine the person who will lead the European Commission, the EU executive, for the period 2014-2019 as according to Art. 17(7) TEU, MEPs were granted the responsibility to elect the President of the Commission on the basis of a candidate proposed by the European Council, after taking into account the outcome of the EP elections. Especially this latter development was perceived as a significant upgrade of the Parliament’s nominating rights compared to the previous Nice Treaty, which entitled the EP with the right to simply approve the designation of the Commission President. Yet, European voters elected a new EP for the next five years in a climate of uncertain economic recovery and persistent decline of popular support for the Union. The crisis was seen as the product of an exceedingly 3 On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe Issue no. 12/2014 ponderous bureaucratic system that became even more bureaucratic and opaque because of a number of arrangements adopted in response to the downturn. The democratic quality of European governance and national and regional politics were treated with increasing awareness especially as they could not come up with adequate solutions to the vital problems of the day. They only deepened the already persistent conviction that what was needed in fact was reform and simplification, allowing transparency to build trust. Faced with allegations that European institutions lack democratic legitimacy, European politicians designed the election campaign around the shibboleth “This time it’s different”. In an effort to boost participation this year, all the major blocs in the EP nominated a candidate to be head of the European Commission, and sent them on a US- style campaign trail. However, this did not manage to reverse the decline in turnout that has been registered every consecutive election since the first poll in 1979. At the end of the electoral process, the lack of leadership and responsibility when these two qualities were mostly in demand contributed decisively to a vote of no confidence in both the so-called political class and the European project. Public confidence in the EU has fallen to historically low levels. The latest Eurobarometer poll found that a record 60% of Europeans tend not to trust the EU, a number that has more than doubled since 2007, before the onset of the 2008-2009 global financial crisis and the ensuing Eurozone debt crisis. As a result, when analyzing the results it is perhaps significant to take a closer look on how the European political system has been shaken up. It is precisely in this realm that this issue of Modelling the New Europe aims to make a contribution. Mainstream political parties have been catapulted in a state of troubled crisis to which they undoubtedly contributed, as they never bothered to explain the policies and compromises their governments have forged over the time on behalf of the people. This weakening of old parties has paved the way to the advent of populist parties that transcend both left and right and address in their public manifestations the outrage and disaffection of a growing part of the European electorate. Under the current circumstances, there is no wonder that the European project looks ridden with ever-widening fissures. 4 On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe Issue no. 12/2014 The current issue proposes a number of articles focusing on European elections, based on theoretical and empirical research and aiming to uncover the relation between European and national elections, the role of Europe in national elections, the impact of the economic crisis and of austerity policies for national and European democracy, the role of the EP, the repositioning of parties and policies, the trust in national and European institutions. In his contribution, Richard Rousseau addresses one of the deeply ingrained problems of the European integration that, as already mentioned in this brief introduction, is closely associated with the position of EP within the European institutional setup. By this, he means the problem of the democratic deficit and the issues of legitimacy associated with it. The analysis distinguishes between input-oriented and output-oriented mechanisms and leads the author to the conclusion that while the existence of a demos is a precondition for the existence of any type of collective identity, “one must tread carefully when applying the nation-state concept to supranational entities such as the EU”. His conclusion is that concepts like demos or citizenship may carve their way up to the European level, “but not on the same terms as those of nation-states”. Moreover, a European party system, with European parties, competing around European rather than national issues has the potential to emerge “from the clash of ideologies of the party programs.” The absence of proper political parties at the European level has been a great problem and a great obstacle for