http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/EJHR2020.8.1.pavic The European Journal of Humour Research 8 (1) 112–129 www.europeanjournalofhumour.org Humour and ex-Yugoslav nations: is there any truth in the stereotypes? Željko Pavić Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, Croatia [email protected] Nataša Krivokapić University of Montenegro in Nikšić, Montenegro [email protected] Abstract This study explores the issue of humour stereotyping between ex-Yugoslav nations, its veridicality and possible explanations. Three research questions were put forward related to humour stereotyping and the differences in humour production, use and appreciation between the countries, with Hofstede’s model of culture as a possible explanatory framework. The survey data were collected on a sample of university students from four ex-Yugoslav countries (N = 611). The results revealed strong negative humour stereotyping toward Croats and Slovenians and positive stereotyping toward Bosnians. However, only about 0–4 per cent of the variance in humour production, use and appreciation, depending on the sub-scales of the Multidimensional Sense of Humour Scale, could be attributed to group (country) membership, thus indicating low correspondence between the stereotypes and reality. The study results concerning the stereotypes were interpreted by evoking the discourse of Balkanism, as well as humour-style differences in popular culture between the countries. Keywords: humour stereotypes, multidimensional sense of humour scale, ex-Yugoslavia countries, the Balkans, cross-cultural research. 1. Introduction: Humour stereotyping among ex-Yugoslav nations In the countries of former Yugoslavia (hereinafter: ex-Yu countries) popular ethnic jokes, as well as television and film comedies, have often served as a source and expression of mutual stereotyping. For example, Jontes (2010) demonstrated that ethnic and sexual minorities are represented stereotypically in Slovenian sitcoms, especially when it comes to the alleged stupidity and laziness of Bosnians, thus symbolically marginalising groups that are already socially marginalised. The same can be noted about jokes about Bosnians in Croatia (Marković 2018). Ethnic jokes in socialist Yugoslavia nicely fit into Davies’ (1990; 1998; 2002; 2011) The European Journal of Humour Research 8 (1) category of stupidity jokes directed towards peripheral groups in the domain of work as an underlying activity. The butts of stupidity jokes had been ethnic groups from underdeveloped areas, such as Bosnia (Bosnians) and Kosovo (Albanians), while Montenegrins have commonly been labelled as lazy.1 Lately, Montenegrins turned the stereotypical jokes to their own advantage by translating the laziness stereotypes about Montenegrins into self-irony-driven mugs, cards, T-shirts and similar products sold to tourists (Koncewicz-Dziduch 2017). On the other hand, Davies’ canny jokes directed towards economically overzealous groups had been markedly missing in ex-Yu countries, and still are. In a similar way, the other three activities underlying jokes, that is, sexual behaviour, alcohol consumption and war (Davies 2002), were not translated into ethnic joking, with a possible exemption of jokes that targeted Montenegrin heroism virtues, even though they are by far less present than the laziness jokes targeting them. Genuine ethnic jokes scripts, as Takovski (2018) calls them, which target markers of ethnic identity such as language, national history, clothes, and so on, were probably significantly present only when targeting Albanians as a non-Slavic minority with strained politico-historical relations with some of ex-Yu nations (Serbs, Montenegrins, and North Macedonians). Such stereotyping is hardly surprising, given the possibility that humour and laughter are essential for social order due to their ability to ridicule various infringements of social values and norms, as Billig (2005) suggested. Bearing in mind the dialectical, social and anti-social nature of humour, it can also be argued that humour stereotyping also serves as a temporary (or permanent) breach of the imperative of mutual respect and political correctness between social groups (Billig 2005: 241-243), even though joking did not closely follow the lines of political conflict in former Yugoslavia. Interestingly, ethnic jokes in socialist Yugoslavia were not publicly scrutinised even though they are usually contested “when jokes target groups other than one’s own, with lower social status or with contested social positions” (Kuipers & van der Ent 2016: 607). A list of explanations might include reluctance to engage in discussions about ethnic relations since, according to the socialist ideology, ethnic conflicts lose their ground in a socialist society, as well as possible political downplaying of the seriousness of the jokes. However, the ex-Yu situation concerning humour also presents us with an interesting possibility of positive stereotyping of out-groups, and negative self-stereotyping, regarding the supposed ability to produce, use and appreciate humour (hereinafter: humour stereotyping). Even more interestingly, such positive stereotyping of others regarding humour can go hand in hand with the above mentioned negative stereotyping of the same groups in other domains. Some ethnic and geographical groups, especially Bosnians, were positively stereotyped as people who are humorous, hedonistic, relaxed and essentially know how to enjoy life. Jokes about Montenegrins do portray them as lazy, but often also in a well-intended way, underlining their relaxed and laid back character. These positive stereotypes were extended into stereotypes about humorousness as well. According to anecdotal evidence, in Croatia (and also in Slovenia), Serbian and Bosnian humour was, and still is, often perceived as better and more successful than Croatian/Slovene, especially in the field of television and film comedy. In socialist Yugoslavia there was even a kind of competition between television companies, so Zagreb Television often ordered special humorous series (e.g., a TV-series called Naše malo misto [Our little village]) aimed at outdoing the Serbian series, although the perception remained that the Serbian humour was better. In the 1980s, with the radio and TV shows Top lista nadrealista [The Surrealists’ Top Chart] and Audicija [Audition], Bosnian films and television humour began to be perceived as superior to Croatian. Thus, today, the second most frequent association connected to Bosnia among Croats and Serbs is “humour and life without stress” (Skoko 2012: 9). 1 This and other observations about joking patterns that follow are not based on a systematic analysis, but they are straightforward and well known to the residents of ex-Yu countries. They can be confirmed by scanning websites with collections of jokes in ex-Yu countries such as www.vicevi.hr, or www.vicevi.net. Open-access journal | www.europeanjournalofhumour.org 113 The European Journal of Humour Research 8 (1) The main motivation for conducting the current study is to shed some light on this paradoxical situation. The paper is organised as follows. In the second section of the paper we provide a short overview of hitherto research of cross-cultural differences in humour production, use and appreciation, as well as delineate our research goal and research questions. The third section of the paper is dedicated to detailed explanation of the measurements and sampling employed in the survey study presented in the paper. Section four is divided into two sections. First, we present study results related to mutual humour stereotyping, followed by results of the differences in humour production, use and appreciation. In the fifth section, we compare the two groups of findings and give some theoretical accounts that explain them. We bring the paper to a close by suggesting possible venues of cross-cultural research of humour differences and their theoretical integration with Hofstede et al.’s (2010) model of culture. 2. Previous research and research questions As Martin & Sullivan (2013) noted, research into the cross-cultural differences in humour production, use and appreciation is not systematic and has hitherto mostly been done by dividing cultures into broad categories of the East and the West. For instance, the findings demonstrate that Westerners value humour more when compared to people from China (e.g., Yue 2010; Yue & Hiranandani 2014; Yue et al. 2016), and the researchers attribute this difference mainly to Confucian influences and individualism/collectivism as a cultural trait. Similarly, research shows that humour in Japanese culture is more prescribed and restricted to informal situations (for an overview, see Neff & Rucynski 2017). Likewise, Kuiper et al. (2010) found humour styles differences in terms of their impacts. Namely, research participants from a more collectivist (Lebanese) culture did not respond differently to self-enhancing, affiliative and self- defeating humour, which was the case for respondents from a more individualistic (Canadian) culture. In other words, Canadians found self-enhancing humour as more beneficial in comparison to the other two humour types (affiliative and self-defeating). Similarly, Lebanese Armenians in Kazarian & Martin’s (2006) research used all four humour styles (affiliative, self- enhancing, aggressive, and self-defeating) from the Humour Styles Questionnaire less than Canadians (Martin et al. 2003) and Belgians (Saroglou & Scariot 2002). Kalliny et al. (2006) found that American