The The story of Political Contents Pierce Economy of Polite the Indianapolis Race in Introduction Indianapolis PROTEST 1. More than a Game: The Political black community’s Meaning of High School Basketball 1920–1970 The Political Economy of in Indianapolis Race in Indianapolis 2. “We Have Given You No Extremists”: fi ght against Polite 1920–1970 The Challenge against Segregated Schools segregation. PROTEST Richard B. Pierce 3. “We Were Always Fighting the Housing Battle”: African-American Housing in Indianapolis Polite 4. “You’re Tired, Chile”: Work This history of Indianapolis’s black community Opportunities and Restrictions in the 20th century focuses on methods of for Indianapolis’s African political action—protracted negotiations, Americans interracial coalitions, petition, and legal 5. Building a Fence around the City: challenge—employed to secure their civil African Americans and Unigov rights. These methods of “polite protest” set Conclusion Indianapolis apart from many Northern cities. Richard B. Pierce looks at how the black Notes PROTEST Index community worked to alter the political and social culture of Indianapolis. It would be too much to say that these exchanges were held between equal partners; far from it. The 1920s RICHARD B. PIERCE is the Carl E. in particular was a period of retrenchment. Koch II Assistant Professor of History and But as city leaders became concerned with Associate Director of African and African Indianapolis’s image, black leaders found it American Studies at the University of possible to achieve gains by working with Notre Dame. whites inside the existing power structure, while continuing to press for further reform and advancement. Pierce describes how Indianapolis differed from its Northern cousins such as Milwaukee, Chicago, and Detroit. Here, the city’s people, black and white, created their own patterns and platforms of racial relations in the public and cultural spheres. JACKET PHOTO: Courtesy IUPUI University Library Special Collections and Archives INDIANA http://iupress.indiana.edu INDIANA University Press 1–800–842–6796 Bloomington & Indianapolis Richard B. Pierce POLITE PROTEST Richard B. Pierce POLITE PROTEST The Political Economy of Race in Indianapolis, 1920–1970 INDIANA UNIVERSITY PRESS BLOOMINGTON AND INDIANAPOLIS This book is a publication of Indiana University Press 601 North Morton Street Bloomington, IN 47404-3797 USA http://iupress.indiana.edu Telephone orders 800-842-6796 Fax orders 812-855-7931 Orders by e-mail [email protected] © 2005 by Richard B. Pierce All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The Association of American University Presses’ Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Pierce, Richard B. Polite protest : the political economy of race in Indianapolis, 1920– 1970 / Richard B. Pierce. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN 0-253-34587-1 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. African Americans—Civil rights—Indiana—Indianapolis— History—20th century. 2. African Americans—Indiana— Indianapolis—Politics and government—20th century. 3. Indianapolis (Ind.)—Race relations. 4. Indianapolis (Ind.)— Politics and government—20th century. I. Title. F534.I39N43 2005 323.1196'073077252—dc22 2004014816 12345100908070605 TO LEIGH, FOR EVERYTHING CONTENTS Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 1. More than a Game: The Political Meaning of High School Basketball in Indianapolis 9 2. “We Have Given You No Extremists”: The Challenge against Segregated Schools 26 3. “We Were Always Fighting the Housing Battle”: African American Housing in Indianapolis 56 4. “You’re Tired, Chile”: Work Opportunities and Restrictions for Indianapolis’s African Americans 85 5. Building a Fence around the City: African Americans and Unigov 109 Conclusion 124 Notes 129 Index 149 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I enjoy music, particularly jazz, perhaps because of that genre’s ability to em- brace improvisation and dissonance. In many ways, those that helped me along the way reflect the same characteristics. So many individuals and groups oªered encouragement and assistance along the way that it is impossible to note them all, but I appreciated each encouraging word or gesture without which this man- uscript would be diminished in some immeasurable way. And like a jazz com- position, each note was indispensable. While at Indiana University, I was fortunate to study with Richard J. M. Blackett and James H. Madison. As advisor, mentor, now colleague and friend, each steadfastly held me to task while providing encouragement and example. Their influence and friendship continue unabated. Also at Bloomington were a group of friends who have continued their roles as readers and critics, among them Paul Murphy, Debbie Gershenowitz, Matt and Sarah Vosmeier, Meg Meneghel, Lynn Hudson, Jane Rhodes, Jeªrey Ogbonna Ogbar, Priscilla Dow- den, Earline Rae Ferguson, Ron Giªord, and Chana Kai Lee. I am grateful that their comments were often combined with good coªee. As I traveled to conduct the research necessary for this manuscript, many friends provided me comfortable lodging. Among those, I thank Mary and Anastasio Gianoplus in Virginia and Scott Beasley and Liann Tsoukas, who shared their home with me while I was in residence as a Fellow at Carnegie Mel- lon University. Late-night conversations along with playing with their children provided clarity and balance. Governor Joe Kernan and his wife, Maggie, shared their condominium with me while I researched in Indianapolis. Many mem- bers of my extended family provided restful accommodations and great food. For their generosity, I remain grateful. Wilma Gibbs was my tour guide through the voluminous collections at the Indiana Historical Society and other repositories that held information rele- vant to my study. Wilma’s interest in my project went well beyond that of an archivist; she would often share her insightful interpretations with me and I came to trust her judgment and discernment. Robert Sloan and his colleagues at Indiana University Press have been conscientious colleagues. I appreciate their forbearance. Timothy Kenny’s maps grace the fourth chapter, creating a stark image to represent residential change. He has been a helpful colleague. My research assistants, Arienne Thompson and Shawtina Ferguson, diligently did that necessary work to ensure accuracy and consistency. Along the way, they also provided needed humor. Lisa Harteker was an excellent editor. I will x | ACKNOWLEDGMENTS always be grateful to her for the excellent counsel she provided. I cannot imag- ine having written this book without her. At Notre Dame, a number of colleagues generously set aside their work to help me with mine. Ted Beatty, George Marsden, John McGreevy, Walter Nu- gent, Emily Osborn, Cheryl Reed, Thomas Slaughter, and David Waldstreicher read significant portions of the manuscript and made valued comments. Myr- tle Doaks’s influence cannot be overstated. I appreciate their camaraderie. Thankfully, there is an extended network of African American scholars that provide mentoring and camaraderie. I have relied on their generosity and guid- ance. I am happy to be among their number and hope to be as helpful to them as they have been to me. There are some like Joe Trotter, Stephanie Shaw, Fanon Wilkins, Felix Armfield, Cheryl Hicks, Nichole Rustin, Tiwanna Simpson, Patrick Mason, Hugh Page, Alvin Tillery, Toni Irving, and Don Pope-Davis who along the way made me laugh and think. For a project such as this, it was nec- essary to have people that inspired laughter and thought. Tera Hunter epitomizes the ideal scholar colleague. She helped me under- stand this project in ways that I had never considered. Her generous and warm spirit transcends any category I could invent. I am grateful for her friendship. Many members of my family did not understand my devotion to this project. Nonetheless, they believed in me and provided emotional and mate- rial support. My mother, Erlin, and father, Richard, instilled a vision of a world without limits. I strive to do the same for my children and hope that in doing so I can repay them for their sacrifice. No one sacrificed more for this book than did Leigh Anne Hayden. We have known each other since childhood and the evolution of our relationship is the great joy of my life. She is my friend, defender, partner, and motivator. This book is for her because she was the first believer. POLITE PROTEST Introduction John Tucker was murdered on July 4, 1845. In life and death, Tucker was not a man of lasting historical significance. He was not a statesman, an athlete, or a crusader. He was a man that had purchased his freedom from slavery and lived an unobtrusive life in Indianapolis, Indiana, where he was murdered on a down- town street by a gang of men who were celebrating their independence. Two hundred people witnessed Tucker’s death and some heard voices saying, “Kill the d—d nigger, kill him!” and “The niggers are gitting too thick, and they ought to be thinned out.”1 Police o‹cials made one arrest. During an intense portion of the 1951 Indiana high