Notes to Proofer

Notes to Proofer

THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PROSPECTS FOR THE U.S. INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY: THE HAYDEN NOMINATION, ELECTRONIC SURVEILLANCE, AND THE QUESTION OF REFORM Washington, D.C. Monday, May 22, 2006 2 Moderator: CANDY CROWLEY Senior Political Correspondent, CNN Panelists: JANE HARMAN U.S. Representative (D-Cal.) JOHN PODESTA President and CEO, Center for American Progress JOHN E. McLAUGHLIN Former Acting Director, CIA GEORGE J. TERWILLIGER, III Partner, White & Case, LLP RICHARD FALKENRATH Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies Brookings Institution * * * * * Anderson Court Reporting 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 3 P R O C E E D I N G S MS. CROWLEY: Thank you all for coming. You're obviously at the Brookings Institution. The title of the panel today is Prospects for the Intelligence Community. It was left deliberately broad, because a judge—probably they couldn't figure out what exactly about the intelligence community would be on the front page of the paper today, so they wanted to make sure it covered everything. So, we have an enormous amount of talent and knowledge on the panel today, and I'm going to introduce them one by one. They're going to do brief opening statements. We want your questions less than we want your rounds. We know you have them, but try to zero in on a question. You can offer it to any of them individually or all of them together, and they'll just let it be a (off mike) Let me introduce, first, someone that's a very familiar face to you, Congresswoman Jane Harman of the 36th District of California, Democrat, who is the Ranking Democrat on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, also a member of the Homeland Security Committee. She's going to kick it off for us. CONGRESSWOMAN HARMAN: Aha. I had a little time to correct myself. (Laughter) MS. CROWLEY: No, I'm sorry. CONGRESSWOMAN HARMAN: Good morning, everyone. Good morning to some very smart panelists. Let me brag on Brookings just for a second, since we're on TV, to say that this is a place that I think brings together some of the best minds from across the spectrum on a variety of issues, and I appreciate being invited over from time to time. This is a broad topic, and I just want to hit a few highlights, because I think others Anderson Court Reporting 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 4 will talk after me and amplify these points or totally disagree, and that's, after all, what we want. We want a conversation, not a lecture here. The topic is broad, so first let me say how vital intelligence is. The enemy has changed. It's no longer a centralized, top-down threat against us. Think Soviet Union. Even think Al Qaeda in the early stages. It's diffuse. And, because of that—and I actually learned this from John McLaughlin outside of the Iraq theater— the fight against this enemy is an intelligence war. I totally agree with that, and the key challenge is to find the enemy—to find the enemy. That was not a problem we had in the fight against Communism. Because this administration talks, and continues to talk, about preemptive action, my view is we can't have preemptive action—we should have learned that by now—unless we have pristine intelligence so that we really know we are acting against someone with the capability and intention to harm us; and we didn't know that, obviously, in Iraq, as we have learned, and as far as I'm concerned I am not going to support any adventures anywhere else—let's kick another four-letter "I" word, Iran—unless I believe we have as close to pristine intelligence as we can get. So, number one, intelligence matters, intelligence is the way we prevent harm against us in the future and defeat the threat against us. Number one. That's number one. Number two, as we build better intelligence—and I think we've done some things right -- we have to have the right legal underpinnings for the activities we undertake, and that is something I am very concerned about. I think that this White House—I'm not sure, I think it segues a bit to this Justice Department, too, but I don't think all over this government—but surely in the White House, and primarily in the Vice President's office, there is a group of people led by David Addington who believe that the Constitution starts with Article II. Article II sets up the Executive Branch. To remind us all, Article I sets up the Legislative Branch. And there is supposed to be a series of Anderson Court Reporting 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 5 checks and balances among the three branches of government. We don't have that right now. We have one branch dominant, and that branch disdains, in my view, oversight by Congress, the laws that Congress passes, and views Congress as a total inconvenience. And because we have what I would call one-party rule in Washington— meaning, one party in charge of both chambers of Congress and the Executive Branch—it has been extremely hard to push back against this view of overwhelming, dominant executive power. It's a dangerous view. And I remind my Republican colleagues in the House from time to time—I did it last week—that they may not always have a Republican president. And I was talking about President Clinton, and I saw one of them nodding and I said well, when she asserts this view of the Executive power how are you going to feel, and all of a sudden I saw this person sort of flinch. But my point is what goes around comes around, and this is a very dangerous position for Congress, any member of Congress, to take. It is, I think, an abdication of constitutional responsibility by Congress not to assert stronger oversight. Very hard to do right now. The NSA program is my poster child for this point of view. The capability—and Rich has written about this—the capability to target Al Qaeda and organizations linked to Al Qaeda and know if somebody in America is plotting with them to harm us is important. I've never flinched from that position, and I know he agrees with me. But the legal underpinnings are just as important, and Congress passed a law in 1978—some of us are old enough to remember; I was working in the Carter White House at the time—that carefully balanced the branches of government for a scheme that would provide warrants when you're eavesdropping on Americans in America. That scheme, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, has been updated 12 times at the administration's request since 9/11, and if it still doesn't fit the problem, let's hear about it, but my view is it does fit the problem. Anderson Court Reporting 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 6 I know enough about the program on which I've been briefed and about the law on which I've been briefed to believe that the only impediment to making FISA work here is resources, and that is why a number of us have introduced a bill in the House that says the law has to be followed; the authorization to use military force, which was passed shortly after 2001, does not give permission to do a program outside of FISA; and that if there is a need for more resources, either human beings or more IT, to make FISA to work properly, come and tell us and we'll provide such (off mike) as are necessary. And that bill is picking up steam. It was recently endorsed by the ACLU, and it is something that I feel very strongly is necessary because of the way this administration behaves. Let me just make a couple of other points. Over-the-horizon threats, yes, there is a lot to worry about in the world beyond Iraq. Problem is, we have an intelligence surge in Iraq, because we don't have intelligence dominance on the battlefield. My proof of that is Walter Reed, sadly. Just go out there and see how many of our lovely, wonderful kids have had limbs blown off by IEDs, which, sadly, we still can't find in advance. Most of the casualties in Iraq are from IEDs. That is something, sadly, that is getting worse, not better, and the ability of the insurgents to design better and more lethal IEDs is ahead of our ability to find them. So, over-the-horizon threats, there are many. Iran isn't over the horizon. Iran is present. North Korea is present. But China is an over- the-horizon threat, and there are others that we don't have enough focus on. And, finally, let me just close with Mike Hayden and the CIA. I have said over and over again that Mike is a very capable man. I've worked with him for years, and his love of country is obvious. However, there are some issues about Mike taking over the CIA, I believe. Number one, his military background. Taking off the uniform doesn't change the fact that he's had 35 or 36 years in the military.

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