CHAPTER 3 HUMAN SETTLEMENT PATTERNS, POPULATIONS, AND RESOURCE USE This chapter presents an overview, in three main sec- reasoning, judgment, and his ideas of enjoyment, tions, of the ways in which each of the three major eco- as well as his education and government (Hughes cultures of the area has adapted to the various ecosys- 1983: 9). tems of the Middle Rio Grande Basin. These groups consist of the American Indians, Hispanos, and Anglo-Americans. This philosophy permeated all aspects of traditional Within the American Indian grouping, four specific Pueblo life; ecology was not a separate attitude toward groups—the Pueblo, Navajo, Apache, and Ute—are dis- life but was interrelated with everything else in life. cussed in the context of their interactions with the environ- Another perspective on Native Americans was given by ment (Fig. 15). The Hispanic population is discussed as a Vecsey and Venables (1980: 23): single group, although the population was actually com- posed of several groups, notably the Hispanos from Spain To say that Indians existed in harmony with na- or Mexico, the genizaros (Hispanicized Indians from Plains ture is a half-truth. Indians were both a part of and other regional groups), mestizos (Hispano-Indio nature and apart from nature in their own “mix”), and mulatos (Hispano-Black “mix”). Their views world view. They utilized the environment ex- and uses of the land and water were all very similar. Anglo- tensively, realized the differences between hu- Americans could also be broken into groups, such as Mor- man and nonhuman persons, and felt guilt for mon, but no such distinction is made here. their exploitation of nature’s life-giving life. In general, as Euro-Americans arrived and their popula- Indian environmental religions were means of tions grew, and as their new technology was introduced, idealizing and attempting to attain a goal of modification of the physical and biological environment harmony with nature, for both participatory increased over time. Since the late 19th century, the Anglo and manipulative reasons, but inherent in their views, markedly different from the Native and Spanish religions was the understanding that they were American views, have been dominant and therefore most not in fact at perfect harmony with nature. influential. This chapter not only documents the chrono- logical evolution of these various environmental adapta- To understand a group’s view of the environment, one tions, but also offers a basis for understanding the impact, must examine their cultural elements, such as religion, change, and resulting resource management strategies government, music, and so forth. Perhaps religion is the caused by these differing adaptations, which are addressed best expression of Pueblo attitudes toward and use of en- in Chapters 4, 5, and 6. vironmental resources. Traditional Pueblo religion is a complex set of beliefs and practices that permeates ev- ery aspect of an individual’s life. For the Pueblo the ba- NATIVE AMERICAN SETTLEMENT, POPULATION, sic concern is maintaining a continual harmonious rela- AND RESOURCE USE, 1400s–1960 tionship with the physical and biological world, or uni- Native American Environmental Views verse, through ritual and ceremony. Another significant aspect of Pueblo religion is its explicit cosmological and The Pueblo, Navajo, and Apache groups in the region philosophical system, sometimes called world view, life- had developed traditional views toward the physical and way, or life-road (Beck and Walters 1977: 9; Ortiz 1969: biological world quite different from those of the Hispanos 4; Sando 1992: 30). and Anglos, whose historical views were derived from Symbols in Pueblo religion are frequent and signifi- western European experiences. Popovi Da, former gover- cant. Kachinas include corn mothers, corn, mothers for nor of San Ildefonso Pueblo, commented on the Native life, plants, animals, foreign tribes, and a number of other American view of their place in the biological world: symbols. Cardinal directions are associated with moun- tains, animals, and colors. The four sacred mountains mark The Indian’s vital, organic attitude towards the boundaries of center place, which the Pueblos found after man’s place within the framework of other living emerging from the underworld. The center is the open creatures has an impact on his actions, thinking, community space within the village, where ritual dances 82 USDA Forest Service Gen. Tech. Rep. RMRS–GTR–5. 1998 Figure 15—General locations of Pueblo and nomadic Native American groups 1598–1680. USDA Forest Service Gen. Tech. Rep. RMRS–GTR–5. 1998 83 and other communal activities take place. Around this dated occurred after 1400 and before 1540. The largest space is another space, enclosed by the four mountains villages contained 1,000 to 2,000 rooms, maximum sizes and the horizon, where sky and earth meet. This boundary for prehistoric or historic pueblos. This growth appears is denoted by markers consisting of inconspicuous stones to have been correlated with the increasing development or groups of stones. Within this cosmos are other sacred of floodwater and irrigation farming on floodplains places—hills, mesas, caves, lakes, springs, streams, and (Dozier 1983: 41, Stuart 1986: 89–90). for some, refuse mounds. Spirits are believed to be resi- The historic Tewa, Tiwa, Keresan, and Piro pueblos dents on or in these natural features, and shrines are usually were located along the banks of the Rio Grande or tribu- present at these locales (Ortiz 1969: 19–21; Swentzell 1985). tary drainages on slightly elevated land on floodplains Unusual landscapes in the region, such as El Malpais in or on terraces or points of land adjacent to them. Many Cibola County, have long been used for religious activities of the pueblos, including those that have survived until by the Zuni, Acoma, and Laguna Pueblos, as well as the today (Table 20), are located at confluences of the Rio Ramah Navajo. Shrines are represented archeologically; Grande and perennial or semi-perennial tributaries. Prox- all three Pueblo groups maintain shrines there today. Other imity to water for domestic use and farming and prox- traditional, religious uses of the area include pilgrimages, imity to fertile soils were clearly determinants in locat- collecting materials for religious use, and collecting me- ing villages. As pueblos grew in size in the late prehis- dicinal plants. The basaltic flow itself is considered to be toric period and as competition for arable lands acceler- the blood of a mythical giant killed by the Hero Twins ated during the colonial period, agricultural production (Holmes 1989: 21–22). shifted to more distant fields, where male residents The conception of this universe also included a reli- worked long days and stayed overnight in small one- or gious perception of the sky with its meteorological and two-room dwellings, referred to as field houses, during astronomical phenomena such as clouds, lightning, and the farming season (Stewart 1985: 92–96). the solstices. Celestial bodies were named and perceived Prior to Spanish arrival in the study region, the aban- as anthropomorphic (Hewett and Dutton 1945: 22–29). donment of aboriginal villages and population movement Traditional rituals and ceremonies include oratories, to another more favorable environmental site or area was a prayers, songs, dances, pilgrimages, sacrificial retreats, relatively common adaptive strategy, particularly in mar- and other expressions, performed individually or com- ginal areas of limited environmental resources, particu- munally. These may be quests for rains, bountiful crops, larly water or arable soils. Fluctuating climatic conditions, and game; perpetuation of “natural” and astronomical particularly drought, were a primary cause of abandon- cycles; and other observances that occur during the an- ment (Fosberg 1979: 166–167; Kelley 1952: 382–385; Zubrow nual, ritual calendar of events, or “cycle of works” 1974: 25, 64). Abandonment was also caused, in part or in (Sando 1992: 31–32). Due to Spanish domination and influence, Pueblos Table 20—Siting of extant Rio Grande Basin pueblos. have also been nominally Roman Catholic for almost 400 years. They maintain this religious duality through a Pueblo Drainage Elevation (feet) process that has been called “compartmentalization.” The two religions are each distinct socio-ceremonial sys- Taos Rio Pueblo de Taos 7,050 Picuris Rio Penasco 8,400 tems, although there has been integration through shar- San Juan Confluence of Rio Grande ing or relating to various components, some of which and Chama River 5,800 are sacred or “holy” water, religious objects (kachinas Santa Clara Rio Grande and Santa Clara Creek 5,600 and santos), sacred structures (kivas and churches), sa- San Ildefonso Rio Grande and Pojoaque Creek 5,560 cred spaces, and religious leaders (“medicine” men and Tesuque Rio Tesuque 6,800 Nambe Nambe River and Pojoaque Creek 6,095 priests). Catholic elements that the Pueblos have generally Pojoaque Pojoaque Creek 5,845 accepted are Sunday worship, confirmation, baptism, wed- Cochiti Rio Grande and Santa Fe River 5,600 dings, and celebration of saints’ days, Christmas, and Eas- Santo Domingo Rio Grande and Galisteo Creek 5,190 ter. Social dances in the churches and on the plazas domi- San Felipe Rio Grande and Tonque Arroyo 5,700 nate these latter three celebrations (Dozier 1983: 185–186; Santa Ana Rio Grande and north bank of Jemez River 5,340 Sando 1992: 32–33, 169–170). Zia Jemez River 5,450 Jemez Jemez River 5,600 Sandia Rio Grande and Sandia Wash 5,030 Pueblo Settlement Patterns and Land Use Isleta Rio Grande and Hell Canyon Wash 4,880 The major, historic Pueblo villages along the Rio Laguna Rio San Jose and Encinal Creek 5,795 Acoma (near) Acoma Creek 7,000 Grande and its tributaries generally had their beginnings in the early to mid 1300s (Fig. 16). Movement from Source: Burdett et al. 1990: 33, 34, 44–46, 56–57; Stubbs 1950: smaller sites into larger sites where populations consoli- 23–90 84 USDA Forest Service Gen.