Informal Governance and Corruption – Transcending the Principal Agent and Collective Action Paradigms Uganda Country Report Frederick Golooba-Mutebi| July 2018 Basel Institute on Governance Steinenring 60 | 4051 Basel, Switzerland | +41 61 205 55 11 [email protected] | www.baselgovernance.org BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE This research has been funded by the UK government's Department for International Development (DFID) and the British Academy through the British Academy/DFID Anti-Corruption Evidence Programme. However, the views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the British Academy or DFID. 1 BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE Table of contents 1 Introduction 4 1.1 Informal practices as drivers of corruption 4 1.2 Rationale and conceptual approach 4 1.3 Studying informal practices as drivers of corruption in Uganda 5 2 Background on informal networks in Uganda 6 2.1 Introduction 6 2.2 The electoral dimension 7 2.3 Pre-multi party election period 8 2.4 The Multi-party period 10 2.5 Links between the competition for power, use of informal practices and corruption 11 3 Use of the three Cs as mechanisms to manage the networks 13 3.1 Co-optation and Control 13 3.1.1 Top-down co-optation: appointments (disbursement of resources and favours) for supporters and opposition figures 13 3.2 Horizontal co-optation of business interests 16 3.2.1 Co-opting members of the business community 16 3.2.2 Rewarding supporters 18 3.2.3 NRM as a vehicle for the exercise of informal governance 18 3.3 Camouflage 19 3.4 The bottom-up view 20 4 Concluding Considerations 21 4.1 Implications for the Uganda informal governance regime: personalised power 21 4.2 Consequences of informal governance: Size of the state 21 4.3 Implications for anti-corruption: discussion and conclusions 22 5 Bibliography 26 2 BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE Acronyms FDC Forum for Democratic Change FRONASA Front for National Salvation MP Member of Parliament NMG Nation Media Group NRM National Resistance Movement UPC Uganda People’s Congress 3 BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE 1 Introduction 1.1 Informal practices as drivers of corruption The lack of effectiveness of conventional anti-corruption interventions has been convincingly documented (Mungiu-Pippidi 2011) and is reflected in the so-called implementation gap, whereby countries that have adopted the legal and organisational reforms associated with anti-corruption best practices continue to experience very high levels of corruption. This situation appears to be linked to a lack of empirical support for the principal-agent assumptions presuming the existence of “principled principals” capable of holding officials accountable and willing to enforce the anti-corruption reforms. A prominent school of thought seeks to re-frame the problem of endemic corruption as a collective action problem (Persson, Rothstein, and Teorell 2013, Mungiu-Pippidi 2013). A problem so far with this latter approach is that, while it can describe why corruption appears extremely hard to eradicate in some contexts, it has failed to deliver clear insights on how anticorruption may be pursued to optimize impact given the acknowledged constraints. Bringing in the dimension of informality is an essential step to overcome the limitations of the principal-agent and collective action approaches and offers better chances of delivering insights that are useful for purposes of policy making. This study identifies informal practices operational in selected countries and establishes their universal and specific features in comparative analysis; it assesses their functional ambivalence based on the functions they perform in their respective economies, and indicates the extent to which they fuel corruption and stifle anticorruption policies. In doing so, this report produces evidence for the relevance of informality for the ‘localisation’ of anticorruption strategies, thus enhancing their impact, and for a new generation of policies harnessing the potential of local patterns of informality. 1.2 Rationale and conceptual approach The conceptual approach is grounded on the work of Baez-Camargo & Ledeneva (2017) and identifies three key patterns of informal governance – namely co-optation, control and camouflage. • Co-optation is associated with recruitment or strategic appointments into public office of allies, who are granted impunity in exploiting the power and resources associated with public office in exchange for mobilizing support and maintaining loyalty to the regime. Co-optation is a mechanism of regime survival because it addresses the problems of intra-elite splits, constructing loyalties and preventing the strengthening of groups contesting power. • Control mechanisms are instrumental to manage clashes of hidden interests, ensure elite cohesion and enforce discipline. These tend to rely heavily on personalized networks based on kinship, geographical location, and/or institutional positions that work to manage hierarchical relationships through reliance on loyalties and unwritten rules that often tie members together creating obligations and responsibilities vis-à-vis the group. • Camouflage refers to the distance between formal status and real power implied by the institutional façades that coexist with the realities of political co-optation and control. Thus, the formal rules and institutions of the public sector are sustained, but often only to manipulate, undercut, divert, or exploit for the sake of informal interests. The comparative research design is applied in two distinct country groups: East Africa and Post-Soviet countries. 4 BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE • East Africa: Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda • Post-Soviet countries: Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia 1.3 Studying informal practices as drivers of corruption in Uganda When Uganda’s president Yoweri Museveni and his political organisation, the National Resistance Movement (NRM), came to power in January 1986, they promised ‘fundamental change’ in the way leaders had hitherto conducted themselves and, consequently, in the way the country had been governed. Museveni pronounced his ascendance as no “mere change of guard” and promised democracy, political inclusion and integrity in the conduct of public affairs. While over the last 32 years, democracy and political inclusion have been strengthened, the party has fallen short of the promise to build integrity in public conduct, which is evidenced by the high-levels of corruption present in Uganda. While there may be many causes that can explain the entrenched nature of corruption, a critical facilitator is informality in public governance, in particular the rise, development and spread of informal power networks across the country. These informal networks are rooted in the NRM’s original approach to building alliances. When the party came to power, it invited potential rivals and competitors into the government coalition but there were no formal agreements or memoranda of understanding concluded. Consequently, those informal alliances collapsed and the former network allies became active adversaries of the party. In order to counter their power, the NRM made new alliances (this time with individuals), some of whom were members of the same opposition parties that had exited the previous coalition or even members that defected to the NRM in return for opportunities for self-advancement. This report explores the evolution of the Ugandan ruling elites’ approach to holding and exercising power in reaction to shifting alliances and the degree to which it has influenced the emergence, growth, and operation of informal power networks. It examines how co-optation, control and camouflage operate and influence individual and group behaviour, looks at the current status of the informal governance regime in Uganda, discusses the implications of informal governance practice for anti-corruption practice, and draws some conclusions with regard to the possible formulation of an anti-corruption strategy tailored to such a political context and what it might look like. The report is organised as follows: following this introduction, Section 2 provides a background on informal networks in Uganda. Section 3 presents a historical overview of the use of co-optation, control and camouflage as mechanisms to manage networks in different regimes. Section 4 elaborates conclusions and discusses policy recommendations. 5 BASEL INSTITUTE ON GOVERNANCE 2 Background on informal networks in Uganda 2.1 Introduction Following a 5-year insurgency, Yoweri Museveni and the NRM came to power in 1986 and have been ruling the country ever since. The circumstances under which they did so were such that any leader or leaders seeking to steer the country away from its history of political turmoil and instability had to organise and conduct politics differently from previous power holders. Indeed, previously the exercise of power in Uganda had been organised along adversarial lines and competition among different factions vying for it took a sectarian route. Politics was tribal in orientation and practice as ethnicity and religious affiliation were key determinants of which political party or organisation people belonged to and supported (Karugire, 1988; Mutibwa, 2008; Kasozi, 1994). The consequent failure of the country’s political elite to forge an inclusive political settlement plunged Uganda into cycles of violent contestation for power, and from time to time, drove significant numbers of the social, intellectual and political elite into involuntary exile (Pirouet,