Paradoxes of Gender Equality Policies and Domestic Working Conditions in Madrid Zabdi Salazar*, Dr.Blanco-Cano Abstract Madrid has experienced a significant integration of Latin American immigrant women in its domestic service labor market since 2005. The general sentiment among Madrileños is that the phenomenon benefits both Spanish working mothers and immigrant women, but despite the ILO’s (International Labour Organization) 2011 convention on expanding the rights of domestic workers, the implementation of such rights under Spanish law has fallen short. Current academic literature on the issue of migration focuses on immigration law, attitudes, and practices. It also examines the intersection of gender, race, age, and educational attainment. We explored paradoxes between the Spanish government’s goals of gender equality and some of the realities of domestic working conditions for Latin American women. Subsequently, we asked the question: Do gender equality policies of Madrid’s local government exclude and marginalize Latin American immigrant women in the domestic service sector or to what extent do they benefit such women? Through survey data, personal interviews with Latin American women in the domestic service sector, and a review of literature on gender equality theory, we found that the local government’s priorities on gender equality are contradictory and myopic, even purposely blind. Even though domestic workers report relative respect and economic gains, they experience the effects of inequality under the law and limited opportunities for advancement. Such findings warrant further investigation of gender equality policies and analyzing the extent of societal integration of Latin American women immigrants. Introduction Spain is a unique case study to analyze the immigration patterns of Latin American women in domestic service along the country’s demographics, economic pull and push factors, historical significance, human agency, and even gender equality policies (Ekelund, 2009). Immigration law has created an immigrant friendly environment, beginning with the 1985 act, the first formalization of La Ley de Extranjeria, outlining the process to receive immigrants. During the Franquismo era, Spain was a country of emigration due to the political turmoil of the times, but by the late 1900s, the country began to rapidly host a substantial immigrant population. Beginning from the 1990s to mid-2000s, Spain has led multiple regularization programs (Brick 2011). Spain has granted legal status to 1,176,324 migrants from 1985 to 2005 (Brick 2011). These migration factors also relate to the changing demographic circumstances in Spain. These include the over-aging and low-birth rate of the population and the policy goal of integrating women into the labour market which has led to outsourcing domestic chore responsibilities to domestic workers, usually female and foreign born (Domingo, Sabater, & Verdugo, 2015).1 According to the annual statistics of the Ministry of Employment and Social Security (2017), the number of foreign-born women registered in the Social Security Labour system who work in the domestic sector has ranged from 49,656 in 2001 to 183,646.2 in 2016. The year 2005 had the highest peak of registered workers at 224,747, best explained by the regularization program passed that year (Ministry of Employment and Social Security, 2005). However, there are still many concerns over a strong underground market of domestic employment despite many labor and structural reforms.2 Legislation on the rights of domestic workers has also affected immigration flows.3 León (2013) condenses the statistics of a 2005 regularization program by explaining that more women (89%) than men (79%) obtained a work permit because of the demand of domestic work. Therefore, she highlights how demand for domestic work affected immigration policies that favored many women by obtaining legal status. 1 Most noteworthy are studies expecting that by 2066, 14 million people, 34.6% of the population will be 65 years or older (Abellán & Ayala 2012). 2 Studies criticize Spain’s problem of a strong informal economy attracting immigrants (León 2013; Mata-Dodesal 2007). “The migration model of Spain and Southern European countries features a heightened permeability of borders, which produces, in the existence of a large underground economy, a strong pull factor for irregular migration (King and Rybaczuk, 1993). Illegal migration can be accommodated within pre-existing black economies (Arango, 2000; Reyneri, 2004)” (León 2013). 3 Spain first recognized domestic work in labor laws in 1969, yet it was informal without any contract. The most important reform to date is the 2011 ILO Convention No. 189 that led Spain to eliminate the special regime of domestic work, while incorporating such workers under the General Regime (Pavlou, 2016). The law also expanded the rights of workers, such as their right to obtain a formal labor contract for set hours a week at a minimum wage (Pavlou 2016). However, the reform did not grant unemployment benefits nor protection against occupational injury or diseases (Tascón López 2011). Foreign-born women registered in the Social Security Labor System in the domestic service sector from 2001-2016 250,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 Labor System Labor Born Population in S.S. S.S. in Born Population - 50,000 0 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 Foreign Year: 2001-2016 Figure 1 Yearly Statistics 2001-2016 from the Ministry of Employment & Social Security on Foreign-born workers registered in the Social Security system According to a report published by the OIE (Real Instituto Elcano) about 13% of Spain’s population is foreign-born, which accounts for more than six million immigrants (Enríquez, 2016). A significant demographic group is the Latin American population that has risen dramatically since the 1990s. From 1990-1999, a total of 114,197 immigrants from Latin America settled in Spain. This number has risen to 722,173 from 2008-2011 (Domingo, Sabater, & Verdugo, 2015). According to the National Statistics Institute (INE) 2017 residency statistics, there are 942,180 Latin Americans residing in Spain. In Madrid, almost 1 in 4 immigrants (24.96%) is of Latin American origin (INE 2017). These circumstances created a need for local immigration centers, Centros de Participación e Integración (CEPI), which became vital for the integration of foreign-born immigrants into society.4 As an intern in one of these eight immigration centers in Madrid, I observed noteworthy patterns that have now became a focus of study for this investigation. According to the 2016 statistics of the immigration center, about 69% of their registered users are female. These statistics highlight the role of women securing resources for legal status and their integration in society. As also noted by the 15th of March 2017 version of the plan of 4 Inmigra Madrid: Portal de Investigación y Convivencia, CEPI, Comunidad de Madrid 2017 integration of immigrants in the community of Madrid 2017-2021, the female immigrant is considered as the leading social engine in regulating their status and obtaining resources for their integration. Most of these women come from Latin American countries, predominantly from Paraguay, Honduras, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, Dominican Republic, Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador. However, a great proportion of the users in 2016 were of Spanish nationality. Jan. 2017 Residency of Immigrants from Latin American Countries Figure SEQ Figure \* ARABIC 2. Anuario de Estadísticas (Yearly Statistics) 2017 from the Ministerio de Empleo y Seguridad Social (Ministry100000 of Employment & Social Security) on Extranjeros con residencia en vigor (Foreigners with valid Residency Status) 80000 60000 40000 20000 0 Population Latin American Countries Women Men Figure 2National Statistics Institute (INE), 2017 Residency Statistics. The feminization of immigration trend (Castles, Miller & Ammendola, 2003) is most evident in immigration flows to Spain from the countries above. Most important, of the 942,180 Latin Americans in Spain, approximately 42% are men and 58% are women (Ministry of Employment and Social Security 2017). This is a substantial 10 percentage point difference. Past extensive studies on immigration flows of Latin American immigrants, particularly from certain countries, also confirm that women are oftentimes coming to Spain in greater numbers than men (Domingo, Sabater, & Verdugo, 2015; Pellegrino 2004). 2017 Immigration Policy & Domestic Workers This investigation will focus on the government's current perception on the phenomenon of the influx of Latin American women in the domestic service sector. According to the plan of integration of immigrants in the Community of Madrid for 2017-2021, the government celebrates the presence of domestic workers. “More than a third of the 12 percentage points of the rate of native female activity has increased in the last decade is explained by the phenomenon of immigration, namely thanks to the greater pre-eminence of domestic workers (Oficina Economica del Presidente, 2006). This incorporation to the labor market benefited both Spanish women like immigrants, who begin their immigration progress with the goal to gain income for them and their families, contributing to a double generation of employment.” There are two main assumptions that the government suggests with this statement. First, increasing the number of women in the labor market is important for gender equality.