Interuniversity Department of Regional and Urban Studies and Planning (DIST) MSC TERRITORIAL, URBAN, ENVIRONMENTAL AND LANDSCAPE PLANNING Academic Year 2018/2019 THE FEAR WHICH IMPRISONS A focus on the city of São Paulo SUPERVISOR Prof. Alfredo Mela STUDENT Jessica Perugini Caetano Veloso INDEX 4 5 Introduction Statistics and quantitative data provided by the various international organizations inter- ested in the issue of security in cities help us to supply a quantifiable perspective on the complex phenomenon, but it is only a facet of the problem, namely the tendencies of international crime. At the same time, mass media give us misleading information, encour- aging public opinion in the expression of the specific type of reaction. Therefore, our perception is strongly influenced by our response and, in many cases, is carried by fear; this concept does not allow us to analyse acts and problems from an objective point of view, which could involve all the facets of the event and also permit us to find a reasoned solution of complications that cannot encourage the restatement of the situation. Nowadays, there is an evident and rapidly growing of population and density indicators show that this increment occurs especially in some major cities, metropolis or megalopolis. Despite this our societies become ever more fragmented and unequal, urban population manifest less faith in spending time in uncontrolled open spaces and also our homes de- fense respond promptly to this desperate needs of safety. Public space, the space of relations and collective activities, is the most penalized by these attitudes and is more frequent to be exposed to the new symbols of control, aimed at our actions outside our private life in spaces perceived as hostile. The risk is that crime and feeling of insecurity will thus modify our cities, creating a composition of controlled and aseptic places, which lose their social bound function. However, how does fear and security demand change cities and modify our behaviors and relationship with places? Moreover, how can we project safe but liveable seats? To answer these questions, in this work, I take a closer look at various themes, divided into three main parts: - The first, which want to determine a definition of public space as complete as possible, able to understand which spaces are the object of research and if we are witnessing a 6 restriction of these dimensions, in favor of a private and individualistic perspective. Now- adays is very difficult to find a univocal view of this aspect, because the issue inevitably intertwines with an increased demand for urban security by communities, which changes its timeworn characteristics. - The second part deepens this aspect and put a focus on a particular feeling we frequently perceive, and which most influences the willingness to make our city safer and secure. The fear. There is an important link between fear, perception, and insecurity, given that these components are persistent in our urban experiences, getting to the point where they be- come principles of spatial and cultural organization. - The last part, is a specific analysis on the city of São Paulo, in Brazil, trying to get a window to respond to the research’ demand, through a field trial, also thanks to the support of CEM (Centro de Estudos da Metrópole). In short, I have tried to focus the attention on the boundary that relates public and private spaces, after a huge circulation of securitarian housing techniques, due to the manifestation of the different urban disease, described in previous parts, under the different variables of perception. A simple questionnaire, admin- istered to the residents, has allowed addressing the in-depth study of the issues in the work, and to verify certain assumptions through a comparison of the results obtained. The study presents different brief insights, presented in BOX, that help to give a direct feedback of the theory to the situation of São Paulo. KEYWORDS ▪ ▪ ▪ ▪ 7 Methodology and research questions This work is the result of three months of Study in São Paulo, helped with the CEM Centro de Estudo da Metropole, to understand their culture and to move me in a city of over 12 million of inhabitants. Brazil is the perfect country to study the effect of crime and violence in the city, and the first step of documentation before my leaving is to create a sort of overview about the state, in particular referring the megalopolis of São Paulo. In the rank stilled by The Econ- omist (2017), based on the count of homicides in the year 2016, 43 of the 50 cities are located in South America, especially in Brazil’s North-East cities, because in a lot of cities, including São Paulo, the homicide decreased over the 50% in the last years. But the fear and the diffusion of insecure do not vanish, and people conditioning their habits under that feelings. When I was in São Paulo a lot of traits that conditioned people life and also their re- striction are not based on real victimization, but also on stratified and complex problems which are not resolved and emerge through urban disease. The use of public space and its relation with the private sphere of habitations is fundamental and can help in the definition of the undefined limits through this two nucleus apparently divided. My study is based on three different parts when the first and the second are based on a bibliographical source about the two big themes intersected: public space and fear. An interesting contribution is thus given by seminars and groups organized by the Univer- sity of São Paulo (USP), in addition to the works of the professor Gabriel Feltran, principally focused on the periphery and their strict relationship with crime. I also did a different inspection of bairros in the city, not without limits because I did it alone a lot of time and local people discourage me to walk around the city without a specific final destination, or without people that could accompany me. Despite that, I had the opportunity to visit a Condominio Fechado and firsthand lived two important events that follow chaos in public opinion and in the city, that are the Police eviction of Cracolândia site and the accusation of corruption of the President Temer. The principal location when people got out their frustration is the street, that is also the place where they celebrating events during the year, the same which provoke afraid in everyday routine life. The creation of a questionnaire was indispensable to analyze aspects that not emerged in the routes, and are not verified in documents or books. 8 I try to give a valid answer taking into account the two components, social and physical, linked with the development of the city, to put a focus on the built-in problems that con- ditioned the feeling of fear. The final personal reflection summarizes the previous parts of the theory, to describe the actual situation in a synthesis of a process of literature search and an essential field trial. 9 1.1 An attempt to achieve a definition concerning the public space 10 11 12 13 14 15 BOX 1 - THE CHARTER OF PUBLIC SPACE AND HABITAT III 16 We can see, during the history, that the general definition of public space imply some important features that represent the cornerstones of its being, and the most important of them is the concept of public. It is evident that its characters have changed during the time in relation to the different types of society, and we can no longer say that there is a certain dichotomy between the public and private sectors. Madanipur (1996) defines private space as a place protected by rules, governed by the use of its property, while public space is generally conceived as open, and subjected to public participation and to public regulation. The word “public” has Latin origins (pùblicus, which stands for poblìcus, pòp’licus a con- traction of popùlicus from pòpulus population), and means something which belongs to all the people, which concerns common propriety, felt by all, made for all, known to all, oppo- site by the concept of private. Pianigiani (1988) describe “public” meaning in comparison with the term “common” (which no one has the property, but all can use it). In this vision, the term is general used like an adjective (to qualify what concerns to the state, or various aspects of associated life, of the community, or use and access "open" to those who want to use it or what is official) or a noun (to indicate the people or public opinion). Zukin (1995) emphasizes the concept of its ownership and its administration «public (not pri- vate) stewardship, open access, used by many people for a common purpose» (Zukin, 1995, pag.). However, the word “private”, derived from the Latin “privàtus”, means all that is separated from the State and owned by an individual person. From “prìvus”, single, only special, re- served for one, who does not belong to the government of the public thing (Pianigiani, 1988). From the liberal point of view, private and intimacy are a privilege and they are in a close relationship with the respect to the public space, whose importance lies in putting in touch various actors, everything and everyone based on private needs (Bonibuini, 2009). Zukin claims that public space include the fundamental and fragile expression of urban society, it is the place where “civility” is practised, with his words we can define it a «rea- sonable utopia» because there is nothing impossible in its principle, only the risk that some groups of the population might refuse the co-presence with others. The society directly influences the space, but the recent manifestation of individualization has caused the sign of the atrophy that «leads to an ever-increasing number of men and women being free to 17 experiment without precedent, but also to the unprecedented burden of bearing the con- sequences» (Bauman, 1999, pag.