Proc. Hampsh. Field Club Archaeol. Soc. 43, 1987, 185-196 EPIDEMIC DISEASES, SOLDIERS AND PRISONERS OF WAR IN SOUTHAMPTON, 1550-1800 By MARY L SOUTH ABSTRACT ned for the wellbeing of the townspeople and the registers give some details of conditions Communities frequently suffered vicissitudes of fortune with within the town during times of affliction. regard to the health of their inhabitants. Some of these were Of the other registers, Holy Rood's do not directly attributable to national famine, extremes of weather begin until 1653, but are complete apart from or epidemics. Many outbreaks of disease, however, were one break during the plague of 1665. All Saints confined to one community or area. Scrutiny of ostensibly start in 1653 also, but were badly Southampton's local epidemics indicates that nearly one in damaged when the church was bombed during three appear to be directly related to a military presence in the town. Such occurrences usually resulted from the embarkation the Second World War. Only the years 1653- or disembarkation of troops employed in overseas enterprises. 1663 survive from the seventeenth century, but This article is devoted to the outbreaks of disease in relation to the records are complete from 1723. There are this military presence and the lodgement of prisoners of war. no extant registers for the separate parishes of St Lawrence and St John, only those for the combined parish commencing in 1768. INTRODUCTION AND PARISH SOURCES Thus, it can be seen that the first one hundred years of this survey was reliant upon Within the town there were five parish the registers of St Michael's and the French churches, two on the west side, St Michael's Church, but that from the mid seventeenth and St John's and three on the east side, St. century greater detail could be obtained due to Lawrence, All Saints and Holy Rood {Fig 1). the increasing number of registers available When a group of Walloon refugees repaired for statistical analysis. to Southampton c 1567, Elizabeth I gave them leave to use the small chapel of St Julian's at God's House, for worship in their own manner THE DISEASES and tongue. This was commonly known as the French Church and although not a separate Seasonal patterns of mortality may sometimes parish, the congregation did keep its own help us to identify the nature of the fatal records. diseases. In this survey the quinquennial Thus, there are potentially six sets of reg­ moving average technique was used. Those isters to draw upon. St Michael's, beginning in five year periods which showed a sudden dec­ 1552, being the most complete. However, there line in population had each individual year are breaks in the records, noticeably when the examined more closely, statistically, for townsfolk were suffering some calamity, usu­ seasonal sickness patterns. Sudden high ally an outbreak of disease, for example, the summer burial rates could be taken as indica­ influenza pandemic of 1556-1559 and the 1665 tive of a plague outbreak and was usually plague. After this last outbreak the registers noted in the registers. Similarly, outbreaks of are more complete. The lacunae in St smallpox in the sixteenth century can be Michael's early registers are, however, offset tentatively identified by spring and summer by the French Church's records for some mortalities. However, such patterns can also years. This congregation was greatly concer­ be linked to 'fevers', amongst which must be 186 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY Fig 1. John Speed's map of Southampton 1611. noted those attributable to the presence of death', smallpox became greatly feared endemic malaria in the town (James 1929, (Buchan 1783, 231-2) hence the recording of 1-18), during this period. The seasonal pat­ its presence in the town by the parish clerks. tern of smallpox deaths is specifically noted in High burial numbers in spring, autumn and parish registers in the eighteenth century. winter were considered to be possibly caused Previously, smallpox had not been regarded as by the debilitating effects of influenza on the a great danger (Creighton 1965, i, 460) but population, in a similar manner to a modern with the retreat of the plague as a 'dealer of outbreak. SOUTH: EPIDEMIC DISEASES, SOLDIERS AND PRISONERS OF WAR, 155O-I80O 187 Table 1. Possible Relationships Between Local 'Sick' Years and Military Movements in Southampton. Total number Number of % Years with of 'sick' 'sick' years military influence years with a military influence Disease Influenza/fevers 9 - - Typhus/Famine fever 19 11 58% Plague 3 1 33% Smallpox 15 3 20% Total 46 15 32.6% Based on South 1982, Table 11, 59. Other diseases were less seasonally related, disposal. In the sixteenth and seventeenth but more closely linked with environmental centuries, contrary to local legislation, many considerations. In unhygienic, overcrowded householders kept livestock within the town conditions typhus would be prevalent, due to walls (Hearnshaw 1908, 117, 332, 369, 458, its transmission by the human body louse 510, 563). Thus, the increased amounts of (Cheng 1964, 580). Frequently the state of the human faecal matter in the town must fre­ soldiers was deplorable; unpaid, poorly quently have contaminated the animal's clothed, debilitated and sick. The influx of foodstuffs. Such contamination in suitable large numbers of such individuals led to over­ circumstances, would have caused the distrib­ crowding and often to food shortages in the ution of beef and pork tapeworm, throughout town. Moreover, prisoners of war were also the population, via the slaughtered animals' held within the walls and since prisons were no flesh. In times of food shortages the more available than barracks they, like the townspeople were encouraged to be on the soldiers, were often billetted in private houses watch for butchers selling 'measelled pork' or. inns. All too often the state of both pri­ (Connor 1978, 67; James 1979, 16) so soners and military was very similar and the presumably this hazard was well appreciated. conditions produced by them in the town The problem of feeding large numbers of comparable to one another. Typically, typhus, troops led to just such food shortages within also known as famine fever, (Howe 1972, the town. Consequently, the townspeople and 10-11) flourished in this environment. Table 1 their guests, would be obliged to eat poor compares the total number of years showing quality food which would produce gastric various diseases and the number of those same disorders in the population. It would seem sick years when a military presence was mani­ highly likely that in such conditions Sal­ fest, in the town. Significantly nearly 60% of monella flourished in the town, especially in typhus outbreaks can be seen to be related to a warm weather. military presence. Pressures produced by food shortages and Sexually transmitted disease brought to the the troops' behaviour were probably less town by billettcd troops, had long been a cause important factors in the decline of the town's for concern to the townspeople. The health, than the impact of the external paras­ 'unrestrained conduct of ... troops at ites which the troops carried. Each group of Hampton, their villany, rapacity and horrible parasites was responsible for its own typical licentiousness' (Davies 1883, 468) added disease; ticks carried relapsing fever, lice considerably to the pressures on the local transferred typhus, whilst the association population, already caused by their presence. between the human flea and bubonic plague is Another serious health hazard for the town now well understood (Buchsbaum 1966, ii, 293 was the increased amounts of human waste for and fig 82; McNeill 1976, 143). 188 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY THE OUTBREAKS The town suffered further outbreaks of sickness. In 1591, payments were made to Plague in 1563: French and Spanish Wars poor, sick and vagrant soldiers, mostly retur­ ning from France and Spain. This was to aid It seems that England's overseas enterprises, them on their way and prevent them lingering in the sixteenth century, led to an outbreak of in Southampton (SC 5/3/1 ff 232-35). the feared plague in Southampton during 1563. Scarcity and Subsistence: 1623-1628 In that year, an English garrison holding Le Havre- was besieged. In June and July it Sixty years after the 1563 plague, troops succumbed to the plague and due to the men's within the town were again directly involved in weakened condition, the town fell. On 27 July an epidemic. During a period of national scar­ 1563 they were given four days in which to city and crisis, in 1623, increasing numbers of leave (CSPV 1563, 363-65). Some evacuated via people were already coming into Jersey (Creighton 1965, i, 308) where the Southampton. The situation was further exac­ plague was identified on 6 August. Two days erbated by the billetting of soldiers on the later the burials recorded in St Michael's townspeople (Heamshaw 1910, 439; SC 2/1/6, register at Southampton showed a significant 4 July 1617). The Venetian ambassador, increase and the first plague victims were Girolamo Lando, reporting in 1622 described moved into the newly finished almshouses Southampton acidly as, 'a place of moderate early in September (SC 5/3/1 fo 111). The size. I may call it not a relict but a trace of the traditionally strong links between the Channel former trade of the Italians and subjects of Islands and Southampton suggest that the your Serenity, now so miserably reduced and disease arrived by this seaborne route. in the hands of the English alone, who seem to On 18 September 'the painter's wife in East guard and fortify it like so many teeth' (CSPV Street' was paid for making crosses on the 1622, 430).