~f Civil Supremacy of the Military in Namibia: An Evolutionary Perspective By Guy Lamb Department of Political Studies University of Cape Town December 1998 Town Cape of . ·-~\,1.~ l ~ -._/ I /- -....,,._,.,---, University r/ / ~ This dissertation is for the partial fulfillment for a Master of Social Sciences (International and Comparative Politics). The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Town Cape of University Table of Contents Page Abstract i Maps ii Acknowledgements VI List of Acronyms viI Introduction 1 Civil Supremacy in Namibia: An Evolution? 1 Civil Supremacy and its Importance 2 Focus on Namibia 4 · Why Namibia? 5 Chapter 1: The Historical Evolution of Civil Supremacy: A 6 Conceptual Approach Town 1.1 Introducing the Problem 6 1.2 Civil-Military Relations: Survey of the Discipline and 7 Review of the Literature Cape 1.2.1 Civil-Military Relations as a Field of Study 7 1.2.2 Review of Civil Military Relationsof Literature 8 1.2.3 Focus on Civil Supremacy 11 1.3 What is Civil Supremacy? 12 1.3.1 An Overview of Civil Supremacy 12 1.3.2 A Question of Bias 13 1.4 Civil Military Traditions 14 1.4.1 Colonial 14 1.4.2 Revolutionary/Insurgent 15 1.4.2.1 The InfluenceUniversity of Mao Tse-tung 16 1.4.2.2 The Revolutionary Soldier 17 1.4.2.3 Insurgent Strategies 19 1.4.2.3.1 Leninist 19 1.4.2.3.2 Maoist 19 1.4.2.3.3 Cuban Strategy 21 1.4.3 Democratic 22 1.5 Mechanisms of Civil Supremacy 23 1.5.1 Constitutional Constraints 23 1.5.2 Budgetary Control 24 1.5.3 Ascriptive Factors 25 1.5.4 Party/political Movement Controls 27 1.5.5 Geographic Factors 28 1.5.6 Professional Responsibility and Objective Control 29 1.6 The Way Forward 30 Chapter 2: Legacy of Resistance: Namibian History Prior to 31 the Formation of SWAPO 2.1 Oorlam Hegemony 31 2.1.1 The Migration 31 2.1.2 The Emergence of the Afrikaner Regime 33 2.1.3 The Demise of the Afrikaners 34 2.2 The Establishment of a German Colony 35 2.2.1 The Germans Arrive 35 2.2.2 The Indigenous Response 37 2.2.3 The Consolidation of the Colony 40 2.2.4 The Final Days of German South West Africa 42 2.2.5 Summary 42 2.3 The South African Occupation 44 2.3.1 South Africa's Mandate Town 44 2.3.2 Discrimination and the Imposition of Apartheid 46 2.3.3 Civil-Military Relations 47 2.3.3.1 Civil Control: Constitutional and Professional Military 4 7 Issues 2.3.3.2 The Military and Domestic InsurrectionsCape 48 2.3.3.3 World War II and Recruitmentof 49 2.4 The Formation of Nationalist-Based Resistance 50 2.4.1 The Emergence of Politically-Based Movements 50 2.4.2 The Rise of Trade Unionism 52 2.4.3 The Formation of the Ovamboland People's Organisation 52 2.4.4 The Creation of SWANU 54 2.4.5 Summary 55 2.5 ConclusioUniversityn 56 Chapter 3: SWAPO: Development of a National Resistance 58 Movement (1960- 197 4) 3.1 SWAPO: A Movement Born Out of Necessity 59 3.1.1 The Formation of SWAPO 59 3.1.2 The Establishment of an International Diplomatic 61 Campaign 3.2 Recourse to Arms: The Launching of the Armed Struggle 62 3.2.1 The Decision 62 3.2.2 Financial and Political Considerations 66 3.2.3 Mobilisation of Support 68 3.3 Early SWAPO Military Operations Within Namibia 69 3.3.1 Teething Problems 69 3.3.1.1 Omgulumbashe and Other Incidents 69 3.3.1.2 Post-Omgulumbashe 70 3.3.2 Tactics and Strategy 71 3.4 SWAPO: An Assessment of the Organisational 72 3.4.1 The Basic Structure of the Organisation 73 3.4.2 SWAPO's Armed Wing and its Military Programme 75 3.4.2.1 Military Structure 76 3.4.2.2 Military Programme 77 3.5 ''Between a Rock and a Hard Place": Conditions in Exile 79 3:5.1 Strategies for Survival 79 3.5.1.1 The United Nations 79 3.5.1.2 Organisation of African Unity (OAU) 80 3.5.1.3 East vs West Support 81 3.5.2 Dissatisfaction and Insubordination 82 3.5.2.1 The "Castro" Incident 83 3.5.2.2 The China-Men" Incident 83 3.5.3 The Tanga Congress 85 3.5.4 Summary Town 86 3.6 SWAPO Inside Namibia 86 3.6.1 The Treason Trial 87 3.6.2 The General Strike 88 3.6.3 The Ovamboland Election BoycottCape 89 3.6.4 The Suffocation of Internal Resistance 90 3.7 Conclusion of 91 Chapter 4: 197 4-1988: The Road to Negotiated Liberation 94 4.1 The Implications of Portuguese Decolonisation 94 4.1.1 The Coup d'etat 94 4.1.2 SW APO Reacts 95 4.1.3 The SADFUniversity Invasion of Angola 97 4.2 The Zambian Experience and the Crisis of 197 4-1976 99 4.2.1 The Move to Zambia 99 4.2.2 The Role of Zambian Policy 100 4.2.2.1 Mechanisms of Supervision and Regulation 100 4.2.2.2 A Time for Relocation 101 4.2.3 Prelude to a Crisis: The Demand for Accountability 102 4.2.4 The Dissatisfaction of PLAN 104 4.2.5 The Crisis 106 4.2.5.1 The Anti-Corruption Fighters 106 4.2.5.2 The Crisis Spreads 107 4.2.5.3 Incarceration, Re-education and Ex-communication 109 4.2.6 Repercussions of the Crisis 109 4.2.6.1 International Consequences and Damage Control 110 4.2.6.2 Process of Reform 111 4.2.6.3 Combat Paralysis 113 4.2.6.4 National Congress 113 4.2.7 Summary 113 4.3 The Intensification of the Armed Struggle 114 4.3.1 The Move to Angola 114 4.3.2 The Struggle Intensifies 115 4.3.3 The SADF Response 115 4.3.4 PLAN Takes Charge 116 4.4 From Linkage to Negotiated Settlement: Diplomatic and 118 Military Frustrations 4.4.1 PLAN on the Retreat 118 4.4.2 Diplomatic Wrangling 120 4.4.3 The Spy Drama 122 4.4.3.1 The Emergence of a Security "Watchdog'' 123 4.4.3.2 Purges and Paranoia 124 4.4.4 Summary 125 4.5 Conclusion Town 125 Chapter 5: Namibia's Transition to Statehood 128 5.1 The First Steps to Namibian Independence:Cape The 1988 Peace 128 Accords 5.1.1 Diplomatic Stalemate of 128 5.1.2 Diplomatic Manoeuvring and Successes 129 5.1.3 SWAPO' s Acceptance of Terms and Conditions of the 132 Settlement 5.2 Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 435 133 5.2.1 Uncertainties and Problems of Implementation 133 5.2.2 The Role of UNTAG 134 5.3 1 April 19University89 Incident 135 5.3.1 The SWAPO "Invasion" 135 5.3.2 An Unnecessary War 136 5.3.3 A Solution is Sought 137 5.3.4 The Implementation of the Mount Etjo Accord 137 5.3.5 Explanations of SWAPO's Intervention 138 5.3.5.1 Ignorance and Confusion 139 5.3.5.2 The Issue of "Liberated Zones" 139 5.3.5.3 An Alternative Explanation 140 5.3.6 Aftermath of 1 April Incursion 143 5.4 The Electoral Period 144 5.4.1 Preparations for the Election 144 5.4.2 Intimidation and Violence 146 5.4.3 The Elections 146 5.5 The Constituent Assembly Process 148 5.6 Re-enforcing Civil Supremacy 149 5.6.1 SWAPO Documents 150 5.6.2 Political Appointments 150 5.7 Demobilisation, Re-Integration and the Formation of the 151 Namibian Defence Force (NDF) 5.7.1 Demobilisation 151 5.7.2 The Creation of the Namibian Defence Force 152 5.7.3 The Integration Process 153 5.7.4 Reintegration in Civilian Life 154 5.8 Conclusion 155 Chapter 6: Contemporary Civil-Military Relations in 157 Namibia 6.1 Legal Arrangements 157 6.2 The Namibian Defence Force Town 158 6.3 Ministry of Defence (MOD) 160 6.4 Graphical Representation of Civil Supremacy in Namibia 162 6.5 Assessing Civil Supremacy in Namibia 162 6.6 Conclusion Cape 165 Conclusion of 167 Evolving Traditions 167 Colonial Tradition 167 Revolutionary/Insurgent Tradition 168 The Transition 170 Democratic Tradition 170 General RemarksUniversity and Conclusions 171 Bibiliography 174 Appendixes 190 Abstract The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the phenomenon of civil supremacy, and in particular how it evolves and is sustained over time. A theoretical case study of Namibia will be undertaken to achieve this objective, with three traditions of civil supremacy, namely colonial, revolutionary/insurgent and democratic (as well as the relevant mechanisms and techniques), being the focus. This dissertation seeks to determine how these traditions emerge and develop over time. Basically, civil supremacy rests on a set of ideas, institutions and behaviours. Together these practices limit the possibility of excessive military intervention in political affairs and provide a system that endows civilian officials with the authority and the machinery to exercise supremacy in military affairs.