For Disharmony and Strength: Factionalism within the Conservative Parties in Japan, 1945-1964 Hulda Thora Svelnsdottir Ph.D. Thesis University of Newcastle Upon Tyne School of Geography, Politics and Sociology March 2004 NEWCASTLE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 201 29925 7 ABSTRACT The numerous studies that exist on political factionalism in Japan have mostly limited themselves to factionalism after the establishment of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in 1955. This thesis attempts to throw light on factionalism within the conservative Parties in Japan between 1945 and 1964 by comparing factionalism within the two main conservative parties until 1955, the Jiytito and the Minshuto, with that of the LDP. The thesis is an attempt to answer three basic questions. First, what was the character of factionalism within the early conservative parties and how was it different from the LDP factionalism? Second, how and why did the character of factionalism change in this period? Third, what maintains the factionalism within the LDP? I argue that the factionalism of the Jiyuto and Minshuto did not affect the whole party and did not affect electoral politics in any significant way. The factions were fluid entities, with no organisational structure and very loosely defined membership. They were not effective tools to enhance political advancement within the parties. This contrasts with the politically significant LDP factions, which have clear membership and a clearly defined organisational structure which cuts through the whole party. In answer to the second question, I argue that the dominant view that the multimember electoral system is vitally important in the emergence and maintenance of factionalism is flawed, and that factionalism in the LDP evolved out of power politics within the party which were exacerbated by the organisational environment. Although I accept the dominant view that the electoral system has been important in maintaining the LDP factions once they were established, I conclude by arguing that the factions were legitimised and maintained by ascribing to them features seen as 'traditional' but which, I argue, were recent inventions when it comes to factionalism in Japan. CONTENTS Statement of copyright vi Acknowledgements vii List of tables ix List offigures x List of Japanese terms xi Note on romanisation xiii PART I Chapter 1: Introduction 2 1.1. The aims 2 1.2. What is a faction? 3 1.3. Institutions, culture and rationality 6 1.3.1. Historical and cultural institutionalism 8 1.3.2. Rational choice 12 l.4.Political Change and the development of factionalism in Japan 15 1.4.1. Historical continuity or change 16 1.4.2. Institutional changes 17 1.4.3. Entrenching the new factions 22 1.5. Methodology 24 1.6. Scope 27 1.7. The chapters 28 PART II: FACTIONALISM 1945-1955 Chapter 2: The early conservative parties: factionalism and polarisation 33 2.1. Introduction 33 2.2. The conservative factional divisions 34 2.2.1. The Jiyuto 35 2.2.2. The Minshuto 38 2.3. The factions and their structural characteristics 41 2.4. Polarisation and instability 51 2.4.1. The Jiyiito polarisation 55 2.4.2. The Minshuto polarisation 62 2.5. Factionalism and ideology 69 2.6. Conclusion 76 iii Chapter 3: The extent of factionalism:advancement,funding and electoral politics 83 3.1. Introduction 83 3.2. Distribution of party and cabinet posts 84 3.2.1. Appointments to the three highest party posts 85 3.2.2. Cabinet appointments 96 3.3. Factionalism and electoral politics 105 3.4. Political funding and party leadership 111 3.5. Perceptions of factional membership 122 3.6. Conclusion 134 PART III: FACTIONALISM1955-1964 Chapter4: The LDP factions: Factionalismas a force of stability 142 4.1. Introduction 142 4.2. 1956-A year of fluid factions 143 4.3. Factional reorganisation and the 1956 presidential elections 148 4.4. Consolidation of faction membership 153 4.4.1. Historical continuity in factional composition 155 4.4.2. Faction size 157 4.4.3. Increasing diversity in membership 162 4.5. Factions as policy groups 164 4.6. Factional distribution of posts 170 4.6.1. Factions and cabinet formation 171 4.6.2. Appointments to the three highest party posts 179 4.7. From instability to stability 182 4.7.1. Polarisation and political instability 183 4.7.2. Factions as a force of stability 185 4.8. Conclusion 189 Chapter 5: The new factions: from the centre to the periphery 195 5.1. Introduction 195 5.2. Factionalism in the periphery and the electoral system 197 5.2.1. Factionalism, party size and organisation 199 5.2.2. Factional endorsements 202 5.2.3. Kiienkai 210 5.3. Power struggles at the centre 213 5.4. Factions and political finance 218 5.4.1. Business and conservative politics 220 5.4.2. Seiji kessha 225 5.4.3. Forging links between factions and business 229 5.4.4. The financial relations between leaders and followers 230 5.5. Conclusion 234 iv Chapter 6: Tradition, modernisation and attempts to abolish factions 238 6.1. Introduction 238 6.2. Democratising Japan: uprooting the traditional 239 6.3. The modernisation theory: the traditional and the modem 246 6.4. The movement for dissolution of factions 248 6.4.1. The first movement for dissolution 248 6.4.2. The second attempt at dissolution 249 6.5. The premodern factions and modernisation 259 6.5.1. Factionalism as hindrance to democracy 260 6.5.2. Factionalism as protector of democracy 262 6.6. Factions as traditional entities 264 6.7. Inventing 'traditional' factions 267 6.8. Conclusion 275 Chapter7: Conclusion 279 Bibliography 288 v STATEMENT OF COPYRIGHT The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without her prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to many people who have helped me and supported me throughout the time it has taken to write this thesis. I would first like to thank my supervisor, James Babb, for his help and for convincing me that I should embark on this research in the first place. Professor Tim Gray gets my heartfelt thanks for being of great support throughout my studies at the University of Newcastle, and for being immensely helpful and supportive during the last stage of my writing up. I am indebted to Robin Humphrey for giving much of his time to help me design a data base for my findings and teaching me how to use it. Professor Reinhard Drifte I also thank for his help. Many friends have helped to keep me going: Heike and John get special thanks along with Elaine, Jane, Mimi, Frank, Anna, Kaori, and Shaun. During my time doing fieldwork in Japan between October 1998 and December 2000 many people were of enormous help. I would like to thank Professor Iwai Tomoaki at Tokiwa University for his support to my Japan Foundation application to go to Japan and for his help with my research between 1998-2000. Professor Chris Braddick at Musashi University has helped me in countless ways both during my time in Japan and after returning to Britain and for that I am immensely grateful. Without his help, advice, support, and insights into Japanese politics and the Japanese political system I doubt that I could have completed my research there. He read various versions of this thesis and has acted like a second supervisor. I would like to thank him for his continuing guidance and encouragement. I consider myself very fortunate to have met Professor Steven Reed at Chilo University and would like to thank him for his help and contagious enthusiasm for the subject of this thesis. He read several drafts of chapters at various stages, and has provided immensely valuable advice and insights as well as much needed encouragement. vii Dr.Verena Blechinger at the German Institute for Japanese Studies in Tokyo I thank for introducing me to various aspects of the academic world in Tokyo and for being a friend. Many thanks go to the staff at the Musashi University library for allowing me to use their facilities while in Japan. Okabe Naoko and Matsumoto Eriko at Ibaraki University I thank for helping to prepare factional lists. Oba Kota was a friend in need when I first came to Japan with my family. I am forever grateful for his help. Yanagi Masao and Ando Shigeyoshi have helped me in numerous ways for which I am very thankful. I am also indebted to Eyth6r Eyj6lfsson, consul to Iceland in Tokyo, Junya, and Simon for lOoking after me during my frequent stays in Tokyo. I am eternally indebted to Otsuji Hiroko for mothering and supporting me and my family throughout our two years in Japan. Thanks are due to the ORS which funded my research between 1997-1998 and 1999- 2000 and to the Japan Foundation for granting me a scholarship for doctoral students to do research in Japan for 14 months between 1998-1999. I am grateful to my family in Iceland for their support to me throughout my research. I thank my daughters, Hrafnkatla and Horn, who have had to endure many things in the course of this research, for their patience. To my husband Arnar, my deepest gratitude for keeping me going throughout the many years it has taken to write this thesis. The first part of the title of this thesis is of course a wilful corruption of the title of Thomas P. Rohlen's classic book For Harmony and Strength: Japanese White Collar Organization in Anthropological Perspective. viii TABLES 2-1: Factional divisions within the Jiyuto 1946-1954 36 2-2: Factional divisions within the Shinpoto/Minshuto/Kaishinto1947-1954 40 4-1: Factional divisions within the LOP 1955-1964 145 4-2: Mainstream-antimainstream divisions