Understanding the Performance of the Left Party (DIE LINKE) in Western Germany: A Comparative Evaluation of Cartel and Social Cleavage Theories as Explanatory Frameworks Submitted to London Metropolitan University for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Valerie Lawson-Last Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, London Metropolitan University 2015 Abstract In 2007 Germany’s Left Party (DIE LINKE) won its first seats in the regional parliament of a western federal state, Bremen. This success contrasted with the failure of its predecessor, the PDS, to establish an electoral base beyond the eastern states. Today the Left Party is represented in eastern and western legislatures and challenges established coalition constellations both at federal and regional level. How can we understand the Left Party’s significant breakthrough in the West? The existing literature has sought to analyse and interpret the Left Party’s origins, success and challenges, and has also emphasised the importance of the western states, both for the PDS and the Left Party. This thesis offers new insights by evaluating the respective strengths of two distinct theories, Cartel Theory and Social Cleavage Theory, as explanatory frameworks for the Left Party’s breakthrough. The theories are also appraised in a detailed case study of Bremen. The study examines whether the party displayed the organisational traits, parliamentary focus and electoral strategy identified in Cartel Theory. The investigation of Social Cleavage Theory explores the mobilisation and framing of class-based protest in the anti-Hartz demonstrations, and analyses election results for evidence of a realignment of class- based support. The existing empirical data is supplemented by qualitative evidence obtained through questionnaire responses from Left Party members and sympathisers in Bremen. The final chapter considers the evidence as to whether Bremen is representative of other western states or an exceptional case. The overall findings suggest that indications of organisational features and the parliamentary focus associated with Cartel Theory did not explain the increase in Left Party support. Also, the redistributive character of the party’s programme countered, rather than converged with, the prevailing policy offer. However, WASG ties to organised labour and the SPD helped establish the Left Party in the tradition of social democracy and the political mainstream. Protest and the demand for social justice were indeed mobilised and framed in class terms and the Left Party attracted the votes of the unemployed and workers, as well as organised labour, with a partial realignment towards the Left Party, notably in SPD strongholds. The thesis concludes that class cleavage and class-based voting more strongly account for the Left Party’s electoral breakthrough. !ii The originality of the thesis lies in its approach of combining theoretical analysis with an in-depth local case study, supplemented by empirical evidence. The thesis also suggests avenues of future research that may validate or challenge the strength of the two explanatory frameworks over time. !iii Contents Abstract ii Contents iv List of Figures and Tables vi Acknowledgements viii Introduction 1 Chapter One: The PDS/Left Party and its Development in the West 11 Introduction 11 1.1. Beyond the Wende: The Formation of the PDS 13 1.1.1. From Informal ‘Project’ to Establishment in the Western States 17 1.1.2. Why were the Western States so Important for the PDS? 20 1.2. Key Policy Areas: The PDS 23 1.2.1. The Representation of Eastern Interests 25 1.2.2. Socialism and Social Justice 30 1.2.3. Antimilitarism and Peace 37 1.3. PDS Strategy and the Western States 43 1.4. Towards a New Left Party 52 1.4.1. Agenda 2010 and the Hartz Reforms 52 1.4.2. The NRW State Election 57 1.4.3. The Dynamics and Tensions of Cooperation 59 1.4.4. The New Left Party: The Framework Programme 66 Chapter Two: Explanatory Framework I - Cartel Theory 71 Introduction 71 2.1. Parties' Changing Relationship with Civil Society and the State 73 2.2. The State and its Resources 83 2.3. Challenges and Developments in Cartel Theory 93 2.3.1. Civil Society and the State 93 2.3.2. ‘Oligopolies’ and the Restriction of Policy Supply 98 2.3.3. Incentives for Cartelisation 101 2.4. Party Leadership and Representation 107 2.5. Electoral Competition 116 Chapter Three: Explanatory Framework II - Social Cleavage Theory 125 Introduction 125 3.1. Social Tensions and the Formation of Social Cleavages 127 3.1.1. Political Parties and the Class Cleavage in Germany 130 !iv 3.2. Challenging the Capital-Labour Cleavage 135 3.2.1. The Decline of the Manual Working Class? 135 3.2.2. The Post-materialism and the Socio-cultural Dimensions 140 3.3. Definitions of Social Class 151 3.4. Attitudes to Redistribution and Welfare 158 3.4.1. Perceptions of the Welfare State 162 3.5. Class Voting: The SPD and the PDS in Eastern and 166 Western Germany Chapter 4: Bremen Case Study 177 Introduction 177 4.1. Bremen: Structural, Economic and Political Background 183 4.1.1. Democratic Institutions and Political Parties 184 4.1.2. Bremen’s ‘Restructuring’ 185 4.2. The 2007 Bürgerschaft Election in Bremen 189 4.2.1. The PDS and the Bürgerschaft elections 1999-2003 189 4.2.2. The 2007 Bürgerschaft Election 193 4.3. The Theoretical Frameworks in Context 198 4.3.1. Cartel Theory 198 4.3.2. Social Cleavage Theory 208 Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions and Outlook 232 5.1. The Left Party Elsewhere in Western Germany: 234 The Bremen Results in a Comparative Perspective 5.1.1. Cartel Theory 234 5.1.2. Social Cleavage Theory 244 5.2. Conclusions 250 5.3. Outlook 257 Appendices 260 Appendix 1: Bremen Case Study: Questionnaire 1 261 Appendix 2: Bremen Case Study: Questionnaire 2 264 Appendix 3 :Die Linke Bremen: Party structure 266 Appendix 4: Bremen Bürgerschaft Election Results by Gender, 268 Age and Educational Attainment References 269 !v List of Figures and Tables Figures 1.1(a) PDS/Left Party percentage share of Bundestag votes 16 1.1(b) PDS/Left Party Bundestag seats 16 2.1 The cadre/elite party interpenetrating both civil society and the state 74 2.2 The relationship between civil society, parties and state in 76 the mass party model 2.3 The catch-all party acting as broker between the state and civil society 80 2.4 The position of political parties before the introduction of general suffrage 94 2.5 Position of political parties during the first decades after the introduction 94 of general suffrage 2.6 The position of political parties today 95 3.1 Cleavages in the West German party system in the 1950s and 1960s 132 3.2a Occupational status of people in employment, West Germany 136 3.2b Occupational status of people in employment, East Germany 136 3.3 Cleavage structure of the Federal Republic in the 1980s 142 3.4 Distribution of political preferences from the post-war decades to the 144 1970s and 1980s 3.5 Distribution of political preferences from the 1980s to the turn of the millennium 147 3.6 The development of support for SPD and for PDS/Linke broken down by class 168 in Bundestag elections 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005 and 2009 3.7 Workers' relative support for SPD and PDS, 1977-2005 174 Tables 1.1 Percentage of voters, SPD supporters and PDS supporters who would 61 consider voting for a party led by Oskar Lafontaine 2.1 The likely impact of public subsidies on party competition 87 3.1 Attitudes towards the welfare state 1994-2004 163 3.2 Bundestag results (percentage share of second vote) for the 166 SPD and PDS/Left Party 3.3 Voting behaviour of the unemployed 1980–2005 172 !vi 4.1 Election results for the PDS in Bremen Bürgerschaft elections 189 1995, 1999, 2003 4.2 Official results for the 2007 Bürgerschaft election 197 4.3 Gains and losses: SPD and Left Party 215 4.4 Political structure of local districts: relative strength of SPD, 217 Greens and Left Party 4.5 Left Party performance in relation to DVU strength and voter participation 219 4.6 Top six districts by voter share 220 4.7 Top six districts by positive change 222 4.8 Voter share and relative increase/decrease (2007-2003): occupational 225 group and trade union membership !vii Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to express my profound gratitude to my supervisors at London Metropolitan University: Prof Mike Newman, Gus Fagan and Dr Marko Bojcun, as well as Dr Dermot McCann, for their invaluable support, guidance and encouragement throughout. Furthermore, my special thanks to Dave Edye for his inspiration and advice at the early stages of the research. I would also like to thank the examiners, Dr Peter Thompson of the University of Sheffield and Prof Alistair Ross of London Metropolitan University, for a challenging, stimulating and above all enjoyable Viva, as well as for their advice and encouragement for future research. Special mention goes to Susan Willshire for her extensive feedback and comments on the draft versions; to Petra Glaser for all her motivation, support and refreshing perspectives over the years; and to Elena Hofmann for her help refining the German- language questionnaires. I am also grateful to DIE LINKE Bremen for their generous assistance with the research. Finally, I am indebted to my late father-in-law, who always believed in and encouraged me, and to my wonderful husband for his vision, love and patience — I dedicate this thesis to him. !viii Introduction In 2005 a new left-wing alliance entered the German national parliament (Bundestag).