THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF SLAVERY: CONSUMER IDENTITY AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN HACIENDA LA ESPERANZA, MANATÍ, PUERTO RICO A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Nydia I. Pontón-Nigaglioni December 2018 Examining Committee Members: Paul F. Farnsworth, Advisory Chair, Department of Anthropology Anthony J. Ranere, Department of Anthropology Patricia Hansell, Department of Anthropology Theresa A. Singleton, External Member, University of Syracuse, Anthropology © Copyright 2018 by Nydia I. Pontón-Nigaglioni All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on the human experience during enslavement in nineteenth-century Puerto Rico, one of the last three localities to outlaw the institution of slavery in the Americas. It reviews the history of slavery and the plantation economy in the Caribbean and how the different European regimes regulated slavery in the region. It also provides a literature review on archaeological research carried out in plantation contexts throughout the Caribbean and their findings. The case study for this investigation was Hacienda La Esperanza, a nineteenth- century sugar plantation in the municipality of Manatí, on the north coast of the island. The history of the Manatí Region is also presented. La Esperanza housed one of the largest enslaved populations in Puerto Rico as documented by the slave census of 1870 which registered 152 slaves. The examination of the plantation was accomplished through the implementation of an interdisciplinary approach that combined archival research, field archaeology, anthropological interpretations of ‘material culture’, and geochemical analyses (phosphates, magnetic susceptibility, and organic matter content as determined by loss on ignition). Historical documents were referenced to obtain information on the inhabitants of the site as well as to learn how they handled the path to abolition. Archaeological fieldwork focused on controlled excavations on four different loci on the site. The assemblages recovered during three field seasons of archaeological excavations served to examine the material culture of the enslaved and to document some iii of their unwritten experiences. The study of the material culture of Hacienda La Esperanza was conducted through the application of John C. Barrett’s understanding of Anthony Giddens’ theory of structuration, Douglas Armstrong’s cultural transformation model, and Paul R. Mullins’ notions of consumerism and identity. Research results showed that the enslaved individuals of Hacienda La Esperanza were active yet highly restricted participants and consumers of the local market economy. Their limited market participation is evidence of their successful efforts to exert their agency and bypass the administration’s control. As such, this dissertation demonstrates that material life, even under enslavement, provides a record of agency and resistance. The discussion also addressed the topics of social stratification and identity. iv For Eduarda and her mother. And to the enslaved people who lived, worked, and died in La Esperanza. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The road towards the completion of this dissertation was long and filled with plenty of obstacles, many of which I would have never been able to overcome without the help and support of many extraordinary people. First and foremost, I want to thank my committee members, Dr. Paul Farnsworth, Dr. Anthony Ranere, and Dr. Patricia Hansell for sharing their wisdom and providing me with guidance when I needed it the most. Thanks to Dr. Theresa A. Singleton for being an inspiration and a role model. You have all truly helped me become a better archaeologist and scholar; especially Dr. Ranere who believed in me from the beginning and stuck with me to the end. From my Temple University family, I want to thank Dr. Dave Orr whose courses in material culture inspired me to pursue this interest, and my colleagues Matthew Kalos, Katie Cavallo, Deidre Kelleher, Jennifer Rankin, and Chris Barton. They were an amazing support system, always just a phone call away (or picture or workstation) and eager to help if I needed advice or someone with whom discuss ideas. Specifically, thanks to Katie Cavallo for sharing her knowledge of ceramics and to Matthew Kalos for being my laboratory buddy. From the Writing Center, I want to thank Lorraine Savage for her support and kind words. Throughout the different stages of my career that have led to this dissertation, there have been many professionals that have contributed to my research and personal development. I owe them my sincerest gratitude. Thanks to Dr. Reniel Rodríguez who talked me into going to graduate school and applying to Temple University. Thanks to Dr. Isabel Rivera-Collazo who suggested I take-on Hacienda La Esperanza as my vi dissertation case study and guided me through the protocols for the geochemical and micro-artifact analyses. Thanks to Dr. Meta Janowitz for patiently teaching me about ceramics and for always being so kind when I needed to consult her. And thanks to Dr. Paola Schiappacasse for becoming a mentor and an ally and whose pep talks walked me through my dissertation anxiety. The field and laboratory work for this dissertation were made possible thanks to the financial sponsorship from Temple’s Graduate School and the Center for the Humanities. Their grants and fellowships were integral to the realization of this research and the writing process. I am also indebted to the wonderful people from Para La Naturaleza for allowing me to conduct my research in Hacienda La Esperanza and for providing economic support. I am especially appreciative of staff members Sandra Faría, Astrid D. Maldonado-de-Jesús, José A. Nevárez-Rivera, and Jean M. Sandoval for the kind assistance they provided during fieldwork. I would also like to thank the countless volunteers who aided in the archaeological field and laboratory work, many of whom have now become dear friends. I am humbled by their sacrifice and will forever treasure this experience. I am incredibly grateful to the archaeology students of the University of Puerto Rico and their hard work, especially to Cristina Rodríguez-Franco, Yomara Cruz-Torres, and Francheska A. Martínez. I am eternally indebted to these exceptional and talented ladies who served as my field assistants throughout the various field seasons. I would also like to give special thanks to Lara Sánchez Morales, Arlene D. Castro Díaz, Kathleen Fitzgerald, Coral Vilá vii Ortiz and to the many others who I am sure I have inadvertently left out but who were by no means less essential. Last, but certainly not least, I want to thank my family and loved ones for their unconditional support throughout this challenging but exciting journey. Thanks to my dad Wigberto who shared his knowledge of historic building restoration. To my wonderful boyfriend Frank for being so helpful and understanding and for listening to my countless rants about my research, te amo. To my awesome sisters: Melissa who even though thinks archaeology is boring (I still love her), still came out to help clean artifacts; and Cristina who helped me dig in snazzy purple surgical gloves. And above all, to my ‘santa’ madre Alma for being my number one cheerleader, for listening to my many crazy rants about archaeology, for helping me catalog artifacts, and more importantly, for spending hours and hours helping me sort micro-artifacts (I apologize for this). Muchísimas gracias por todo, nunca lo hubiera podido hacer sin ustedes. ¡¡Los quiero muchísimo!! viii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………..………. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS…….………………………………………………………..vi LIST OF TABLES………………..……………………………….…………………...xiii LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………………………………………….xv CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………...…………………..………1 Theoretical Framework……………………………...……………..…….4 Dissertation Structure……………………....…………………………….7 2. SLAVERY AND THE PLANTATION ECONOMY IN THE CARIBBEAN Introduction……………………...……………………………….……..11 Development of the Institution of Slavery in the Caribbean……………12 The Role of Sugar and the Plantation…………………………...17 Slavery and the Plantation Economy in the Spanish Caribbean………...21 16th, 17th, and 18th Centuries…………………………………….21 19th century- The Rise of the Spanish Sugar Empire…………....23 Illegal Slave Trade………………………………………………28 Illegal Slave Trade in Puerto Rico……………………....29 Regulations of Slavery…………………………………………………...31 Spanish Slave Laws……………………………………………...31 British Slave Laws………………………………………………35 French Slave Laws………………………………………….…...38 Discussion……………………………………………………………….44 3. LITERATURE REVIEW: PLANTATION ARCHAEOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE OF SLAVERY Introduction……………………………………………………………..46 Plantation Archaeology…………………………………………………47 ix Plantation Archaeology and African Diaspora Studies in the Caribbean………………………………………………………...53 British Caribbean…………………….…………………………56 Gardening Plots…………………………………………57 Osteological Remains…………………………………...58 Landscape……………………………………………….59 Markets………………………………………………….59 Maroon Societies………………………………………..60 Dutch Caribbean………………………………………………...61 French Caribbean…………………………………………….....61 Spanish Caribbean………………………………….....………...63 Plantation Archaeology and the Material Culture of Slavery……....…...70 Pre-Industrial Revolution and European Mercantilism…………71 Post-Industrial Revolution………………………………………77 Discussion……………………………………………………………….86 4. HACIENDA LA ESPERANZA: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Introduction……………………………………………………………...88 Regional