TRADE UNIONS in ALGERIA History, Survey and Options Contents

STUDY Despite its strength and great potential, the General Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA) is crippled by its own bureaucra- cy, which is closely aligned with LABOUR AND SOCIAL JUSTICE local and central authorities’ political and economic interests. TRADE UNIONS The future of independent unions will depend on the will- IN ALGERIA ingness of the acting players to overcome differences of per- spective and leadership con- History, Survey and Options flicts, and on public authorities’ response to their activity. Nacer Djabi with the cooperation of Fadhila Akkache, Hocine Zobiri and Samir Larabi The current developments in Algeria suggest that the January 2020 trade union environment is set to see a shake-up – be it among independent unions, within the UGTA or at public authority level. LABOUR AND SOCIAL JUSTICE TRADE UNIONS IN ALGERIA History, Survey and Options Contents 1 INTRODUCTION 2 2 EVOLUTION OF UNIONISM IN ALGERIA 4 Historical Foundation ��4 Post-Independence Labour Movement ��5 Main Political and Social Transformations ��6 Legislative Framework ��6 Emergence of Independent Trade Unions ��7 Legal and Political Constraints ��8 The UGTA Faced with Union Pluralism ��9 Rise of Political Islamism �� 10 3 OVERVIEW OF THE LABOUR MARKET IN ALGERIA 11 Evolution of the Labour Market �� 11 Labour Indicators in Algeria Between 2000 and 2018 ��12 Social Protection versus Liberal Policy �� 14 4 TRADE UNION INDEPENDENCE: CHALLENGES AND STRATEGIES 15 The Most Active Independent Trade Unions ��15 Unionism and Forms of Protest ��16 Challenges and Obstacles to Union Activity �� 18 What Is the Input of Algerian Trade Union Pluralism? �� 20 5 INDEPENDENT TRADE UNIONS FROM 2002 TO THE PRESENT 21 On the Difficulty of Securing Trade Union Recognition ��21 Refusing Negotiation ��22 Lack of Union Protection in the Private Sector ��22 Rise of Labour Struggles ��22 6 LIMITS OF THE ALGERIAN LABOUR MOVEMENT 24 On the Trade Union Elite ��25 Women and Trade Unions ��25 Trade Unions and the Media ��25 From Corporatism to a Union Confederation��25 7 PROSPECTS 27 Annex: Trade Unions Accredited by the Ministry of Labour �� 28 References ��31 List of Figures ��32 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – TRADE UNIONS IN ALGERIA 1 INTRODUCTION The present study sets out to provide an exhaustive pres- relative economic liberalization which has allowed the de- entation of the Algerian labour movement and its evolution. velopment of an insecure private sector involving a large It covers the progress of Algerian unionism, from settler co- number of small and medium-sized enterprises employing lonialism, when the right of association was granted to Al- less than five people, most of them on a contract or unreg- gerians discriminatorily, up until the cementing of the first istered basis. This background weighs heavily on the UGTA, experience of Algerian union pluralism at the dawn of the which must strive to take root in this field despite the diffi- National Revolution. The study explores the key features of culties caused by this state of precariousness. political struggle and the demands voiced by the single trade union in existence during the era of the single-party Independent unions are predominantly active in the public system and of State interventionism after independence. It sector, mainly in education (twelve unions), health (around endeavours to portray the later development of unionism as ten unions) and public administration (over six unions). Over a whole in the era of political pluralism and relative econom- time, these organizations have come to play a major role, ic liberalization. contributing positively to the social climate in Algeria as economic and security conditions improved at the turn of the Since 1990, some sixty independent labour organizations new millennium. have emerged following the recognition of union pluralism alongside the UGTA (General Union of Algerian Workers), Most recently, independent unions have called various long- the incumbent Central Organization. The latter performed term strikes, such as the strike organized by the CNAPEST its standard role of defending employees’ social rights in the (Independent National Council of Teachers of Secondary sectors where the State had preserved its employer status, and Technical Education) in the education sector in February such as in the energy and industrial public sectors. However, 2018. Furthermore, these unions were part of various it is now facing new challenges resulting from the new con- rounds of joint discussions with representatives of the pub- stitutional framework, competition with the independent lic authorities in the health and education sectors resulting unions and the present economic and security crisis. in wage increases and improved working conditions. The UGTA is currently experiencing an organic crisis within This new chapter in trade unionism subsequently led to the its very structure, triggered by a variety of multidimensional emergence of increasingly visible trade union elites making factors. First among these is the political factor with the ad- multiple appearances in the media and at discussions. The vent of political and union pluralism and the emergence of portrayal of trade union elites is consequently one of the independent trade unions, which have found recruits among major subjects of this study, especially in the present plural- the militant grassroots of the incumbent Central Organiza- ist audio-visual media context where the State no longer has tion, leading to a conflicting relationship with it. Another the monopoly in the dissemination of news and images, as factor stems from the political affiliation of the Central Or- used to be the case. New union figures are now present in ganization’s leaders, most of whom are members of one of the public space and leverage the platform of the main me- the governing parties, namely the FLN (National Liberation dia (some sixty television channels) despite public authori- Front) and the RND (National Democratic Rally). This affilia- ties’ disapproval. In fact, despite having been granted legal tion leads to their submissive attitude towards the powers recognition, public authorities are still reluctant to consider that be, reflected both in their unconditional support for lib- independent unions essential players and fully-fledged so- eral reforms – despite their opposition to the historical doc- cial partners. trine (privatizations, disorderly market openings …) – and in their overt and active support for political leaders at the var- The present study also sets out to highlight the corporatist ious electoral events and other referenda. nature of the demands of sectoral-type unions. The study explores their level of institutional weakness and their insuf- The economic factor is also worth mentioning. It relates not ficient female representativeness within national or local only to the growing failure of the public industrial sector, governance structures despite the significant presence of fe- the stronghold of the Central Organization, but also to the male workers in the sectors covered by the independent un- 2 Introduction ions (health and education). It measures female absence, whether among the militant factions or in leadership posi- tions, in order to develop guidelines aimed at later correct- ing the imbalance. In addition, the study tries to determine the main challenges facing the incumbent and the independent labour movement in the context of global liberalism and goes on to suggest possible future paths for the independent labour movement and the incumbent Central Organization. Finally, the study attempts to measure the evolution of union presence, as Algeria has been experiencing large mass protests demanding radical

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