Women’s Studies International Forum, Vol. 26, No. 5, pp. 409 – 424, 2003 Copyright D 2003 Elsevier Ltd Printed in the USA. All rights reserved 0277-5395/$ – see front matter doi 10.1016/j.wsif.2003.08.006 ‘‘WOMAN TO WOMAN’’—THE SIGNIFICANCE OF RELIGIOSITY FOR YOUNG WOMEN IN JORDAN Julia Droeber 1 Department of Sociology, American University-Central Asia, 205 Abdumomunov Street, Bishkek, 720040, Kyrgyzstan Synopsis — The notion that religiosity among the people in the Middle East in general and among women in particular is on the rise and is widespread in academic as well as popular literature. In this article, which is based on fieldwork among young, middle class, Christian and Muslim women in Jordan, I argue not only that this notion is a gross generalization, which pays little attention to regional, ethnic, age, or class differences among women in Middle Eastern societies, but I also have a look at the various ways in which religious dogmas such as Islam and Orthodox Christianity, which prevail in Jordan, discriminate against female believers, and how many women manipulate these religious systems in order to empower themselves. Furthermore, I try to shed more light on the often-held assumption that Muslim and Christian Orthodox women in Jordan differ enormously in their beliefs and practices. Through these elaborations I would like to illustrate how young, highly educated, middle class Muslim and Christian women in Jordan perceive and live their religiosity (or non-religiosity) against a backdrop of an increased significance of Islamic and Islamist discourses in their society. D 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Before trying to go into the details of the issue of And then he went on talking about one of his young Jordanian women’s religious beliefs and prac- students in particular: tices, let me relate an incident that can be seen as emblematic of the kind of questions I pursue in this I had this student once, she was really bright. She article. wrote her dissertation on Foucault, a brilliant While I was doing anthropological research for piece. She wanted to continue to do her master’s my PhD thesis2 in Jordan between 1997 and 1999, I degree, and I encouraged her very much. But then was sitting in the office of a Philosophy professor at she got married, started wearing this jilbaab3— the University of Jordan, Amman. Over a cup of before, she didn’t even wear a hijaab4—and coffee we were talking about how his students have wanted to work on religious philosophy. I asked changed over the years and he noted: her why she had changed so radically, from a critical thinker to a religious conformist who People have become more religious and the doesn’t ask questions. She said, she found that influence of fundamentalism has grown consid- religion contained more truth for her than erably. I only have to look at my students: Ten Foucault. I asked her, where this sudden enlight- years ago, there were girls sitting in the front enment came from, and she replied that her row of the lecture room with mini-skirts and husband had encouraged her to do more religious sleeveless tops. Today, you won’t see anybody studies. It’s a pity! like that, the girls all veil up and wouldn’t mix with the boys. And also among my colleagues— This professor expresses a view of religion and how often did I have arguments with teachers religiosity that is not only often held by many Middle from the faculty of shari’a? They’ve got so Easterners themselves, but that also prevails among much influence on the students! Or look at the many Western scholars of the region (Ask & Tjoms- Students’ Council, that’s dominated by the land, 1998; Dekmejian, 1980; Esposito, 1983; Ger- Islamists. ami, 1996; Guazzone, 1996; Haddad, 1984; Haddad 409 410 Julia Droeber & Esposito, 1998; Kepel, 1991; Piscatori, 1991; in Jerusalem refusing to send representatives to the Roald, 1994; Zuhur, 1992). Christian tribes on the East Bank of the River Jordan on the grounds of their ‘‘unorthodox’’ behavior DOING RESEARCH IN JORDAN (Allison, 1986). As a consequence, many priests on the East Bank were until fairly recently rather un- or While in Jordan, I was often confronted with the under-educated (Allison, 1986; Haddad, 1992). Even notion that religiosity among the population in gen- though after the foundation of the state of Israel in eral and among women in particular is on the rise, a 1948 and the 1967 and 1973 Wars, the Christian (as view that seemed to confirm what I had read before I well as the Muslim) communities of Jordan experi- got there. I had set out to do anthropological research enced a considerable increase in members, the ratio on political Islam in Jordan, but soon changed my between the two religious communities remained focus, since I did not seem to get any anthropolog- roughly the same. ically relevant information on this issue. Since I had The position of women in the various Muslim befriended various female students at the University and Christian communities in Jordan differs, but not of Jordan in Amman, and frequently discussed not to an extreme extent. In many respects, their sit- only problems of their (and my) daily lives, but also uation can be compared to those of other women in religious issues, I shifted the focus of my research the region, as it has been described in studies on towards their experiences. As I have mentioned women in the Middle East (Ahmed, 1992; Kan- above, I came to Amman with the assumption that diyoti, 1991, 1996; Macleod, 1991, among others). Jordanians had become increasingly religious of Unsurprisingly, within the region the greatest sim- late—headlines in Western media of Islamic ‘‘funda- ilarities seem to exist between women in Palestine mentalism’’ and ‘‘Islamism’’ at the back of my mind. and those in Jordan. Similarity of patterns in their I soon found out that this picture did not match lives seem to cluster around issues of education, reality, at least not the reality I experienced while I work, political participation, legal status, freedom of was there. movement, marriage, the significance of family Jordan is a relatively small and, many would relationships, and increasing manifestations of reli- argue, insignificant country in the Middle East. Most giosity, including discussions about veiling practices of the country is desert, there are few towns and (Hammami, 1990; El-Guindi, 1999, among others). cities, and the majority of the population is living in Diverging dress codes seem to be not only the most either the capital Amman, or Irbid in the north, and obvious, but also possibly the most superficial Aqaba and Al-Karak in the south. Between 50% and difference between Muslim and Christian women 60% of the population are said to be of Palestinian in Jordan. Even though Christian women in Jordan origin (Salibi, 1993; Yorke, 1988). This is a conse- are subject to different Personal Status Laws than quence of the fact that most Palestinian refugees, who Muslim women—which has, for instance, conse- have left what is today Israel, the West Bank and quences regarding Christian women’s (non-existent) Gaza Strip during and after Israel’s wars with Arab right to divorce—their position in society is fairly countries in 1948, 1967, and 1973, came to Jordan, similar. Christians themselves would, of course, where the majority of them were put up in refugee deny this and claim that they grant ‘‘their women’’ camps all over the country (Augustin, 1987; Nyrop, considerably more freedom than do their Muslim 1980). compatriots. This claim seems to hold true to a Many of the arriving Palestinians were Christians, certain extent with regard to women’s participation yet there has, for centuries, been a Christian minority in the labor force, their level of education, or their on the East Bank of the River Jordan (Betts, 1979). freedom to travel abroad (Allison, 1986; Haddad, Between 5% and 10% (again depending on the 2001). This might, however, also be linked to class sources) of the population of what today is the differences, since Christian families in Jordan are Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan are Christians, mainly more likely to be part of a middle or upper middle Greek Orthodox and Roman Catholic (Fargues, 1998; class, and these families, like their Muslim counter- Pacini, 1998). They have always been well integrated parts, are generally more liberal in their attitudes into the Jordanian tribal system and generally had towards women and can offer them more opportu- very good relations with their Muslim compatriots nities. What needs to be stressed here, is that there (Allison, 1986; Haddad, 1992). This went as far as are major differences within the country regarding members of both communities practicing similar the situation of women, yet less so on the basis of religious rituals until the first half of the twentieth religious affiliation than with regard to their demo- century, and officials of the Greek Orthodox Church graphic backgrounds: Variations exist between rural Young Women in Jordan 411 and urban families, those of Palestinian and Trans- women in particular paid little attention to regional, jordanian origin, and linked to these between fam- ethnic, age, or class differences. With the passing of ilies of various class backgrounds and with varying time and my getting more familiar with the environ- economic opportunities, as a majority of Palestinians ment and more intimate with a number of young continue to live in refugee camps under conditions women, I also felt that what I had read about the of poverty. differences between feminine and masculine religios- This is a very rough sketch of the environment, in ity and spirituality might also hold true in the Jorda- which I conducted my research.