Notes INTRODUCTION l. Felix Gilbert, To the Farewell Address: Ideas of Early American Foreign Policy (Princeton, 1961), pp. 144-7; Melvin Small, Democracy and Diplomacy: The Impact of Domestic Politics on U.S. Foreign Policy, 1789-1994 (Baltimore, 1996), p. 2. 2. Cushing Strout, The American Image of the Old World (New York, 1963). 3. The classic treatment of the improvement in Anglo-American rela­ tions is Bradford Perkins, The Great Rapprochement: England and the United States, 1895-1914 (New York, 1969). See also Walter LaFeber, The New Empire: An Interpretation of American Expansion, 1860-1898 (Ithaca, NY, 1963), pp. 62-101, and Michael H. Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, CT, 1987), pp. 77-80, 133-4. 4. The conduct of the British in the war seems to have especially im­ pressed Lodge. 'Nothing could be finer,' he wrote in 1915, 'than the way in which the aristocracy of England has sacrificed itself nor the way in which the workingmen of England have gone to the front.' William C. Widenor, Henry Cabot Lodge and the Search for an American Foreign Policy (Berkeley, CA, 1980), p. 218. 5. Dennis J. McCarthy, 'The British,' in Joseph P. O'Grady (ed.), The Immigrants' Influence on Wilson's Peace Policies (Lexington, KY, 1967), pp. 102-3; Selig Adler, The Isolationist Impulse: Its Twentieth Century Reaction (New York, 1957), p. 76. 6. Henry Seidel Canby, 'Anglomania,' Harper's (November 21, 1921 ): 713. 7. The Source of Anti-Britishism,' New Republic 52 (November 16, 1927): 325-6. 8. Samuel Lubell, The Future of American Politics (New York, 1948), p. 143; Manfred Jonas, Isolationism in America, 1935-1941 (Ithaca, 1966), p. 184. B. J. C. McKercher has done an admirable job of dealing with American anglophobia in the 1920s, but his analysis remains limited to that period, and moreover focuses mainly on British diplomacy. See B. J. C. McKercher, The Second Baldwin Government and the United States (Cambridge, 1984), and Esme Howard: A Diplomatic Biography (Cambridge, 1989). 9. Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and the American Diplomatic Tradition: The Treaty Fight in Perspective (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 94-6. One Democratic Senator, Thomas]. Walsh of Montana, claimed that it was this that doomed the treaty from the start; though he believed that Lodge's opposition to the League was based on 'personal an­ tagonism to the President,' he nevertheless lamented that the Massachusetts Republican and his allies could have been won over 195 196 Notes 'unquestionably ... had even a modicum of diplomacy been ob­ served.' Walsh to C. B. Nolan, September 18, 1919, Thomas J. Walsh Papers, Box 4, American Historical Survey, University of Illinois Library, Urbana, Illinois. 10. Widenor, Henry Cabot Lodge, p. 303. 11. Joseph P. O'Grady, The Irish,' in O'Grady, Immigrants' Influence, pp. 71-9; Adler, Isolationist Impulse, pp. 77-80; Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson, pp. 168-9; Widenor, Henry Cabot Lodge, p. 47; Again in this instance Thomas J. Walsh found fault in the president's handling of the negotiations. The Montana Democrat wrote in September 1919 that Wilson's 'treatment of the Irish question to me is inexplicable,' since '[w]ithout the Irish in this country, the democratic party as a fighting force would be a negligible quantity.' Walsh concluded mo­ rosely that the president had passed up 'the greatest opportunity ever accorded to a man to achieve distinction ... .' Walsh to C. B. Nolan 3 September 1919, Thomas J. Walsh Papers, Box 4, University of Illinois Library, Urbana, Illinois. 12. Austin]. App, The Germans,' in O'Grady, Immigrants' Influence, pp. 39-40; Adler, Isolationist Impulse, pp. 84-6; Louis L. Gerson, The Hyphenate in Recent American Politics and Diplomacy (Lawrence, KS, 1964), p. 101. 13. Ibid., p. 81. Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest fora New World Order (New York, 1992), pp. 128-41, 157-60, 252-6. See also Stuart I. Rochester, American Liberal Disillusionment in the Wake of World War I (University Park, PA, 1977), p. 91. 14. Widenor, Henry Cabot Lodge, p. 127. As Secretary of State John Hay complained, 'Whatever we do, [Democratic candidate William Jennings] Bryan will attack us as a slave of Great Britain. All their state conventions put on an anti-English plank in their platforms to curry favor with the Irish (whom they want to keep) and the Germans whom they want to seduce. It is too disgusting to have to deal with such sordid lies.' Small, Democracy and Diplomacy, p.32. 15. One prominent conservative Republican, the New York lawyer Henry A. Wise, actually apologized to the British ambassador for the anti-British rhetoric which he knew would be employed by his col­ leagues in the G.O.P. However regrettable this might be, Wise claimed, 'it would be necessary to attack all who stood with [Wilson] ... , [even] the British Government.' Neville K. Meaney, The American Attitude Towards the British Empire from 1919 to 1922 - A Study in the Diplomatic Relations of the English-Speaking Nations,' (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1958), p. 269. 16. H.C. Allen, Great Britain and the United States: A Histmy of Anglo­ American Relations, 1783-1952 (London, 1954), pp. 718-20; O'Grady, The Irish,' p. 77; Strout, American Image, p. 168; Thomas N. Guinsberg, The Pursuit of Isolationism in the United States Senate from Versailles to Pearl Harbor (New York, 1982), pp. 30-l; Meaney, 'American Attitude,' pp. 264-8; Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson, p. 90; Richard Coke Lower, A Bloc of One: The Political Career of Hiram W. Johnson (Stanford, 1993), p. 128. Notes 197 17. Even this may require some qualification - Robert David Johnson has argued that the so-called 'Peace Progressives,' such as Borah, La Follette, Norris, and Asle Gronna (R-ND) were not so 'isolationist' as has been previously assumed. According to Johnson, these senators did envision a role for the United States in world affairs, but only in association with 'weaker states and peoples' and in opposition to British and French imperialism. Viewed in this way, it would appear that they objected only to Wilson's choice of associates, and not to the general principle of overseas involvement. See Johnson, The Peace Progressives and American Foreign Relations (Cambridge, 1995), p. 3. 18. It should also be noted that, as Thomas Guinsberg points out, fewer than one-third of the irreconcilables came from states in which Irish­ or German-Americans made up more than fifteen percent of the population. Most senators from states where immigrant votes truly mattered (mainly the northeast) merely expressed reservations to the treaty - they did not seek to throw it out altogether. Guinsberg, Pursuit of Isolationism, p. 36. 19. In an attempt to avoid being associated with any particular party, the committee endorsed James A. Reed for the Democrats, Eugene V. Debs for the Socialists, and the anti-British newspaper mogul William Randolph Hearst as an Independent. Niel M. Johnson, George Sylvester Viereck: German-American Propagandist (Urbana, IL, 1972), pp. 84-5. 20. Johnson, George Sylvester Viereck, p. 86. 21. Howard A. DeWitt, The "New" Harding and American Foreign Policy: Warren G. Harding, Hiram W. Johnson, and Pragmatic Diplomacy,' Ohio History 86 (Spring 1977): 96-114; Benjamin D. Rhodes, 'Harding v. Cox: The "Ohio" Election of 1920 as Viewed from the British Embassy at Washington,' Northwest Ohio Quarterly 55 (Winter 1982-83): 17-24. 22. Viereck responded to Roosevelt's accusations with an indignant telegram in which he accused the future president of being a 'dupe of British propagandists.' It was not the last time that FDR would face this charge. Johnson, Viereck, p. 87. 23. John B. Huff, The Italians,' in O'Grady, Immigrants' Influence, pp. 136-7. 24. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson, p. 248. 25. Gerson, Hyphenate, p. 106. CHAPTER 1 THE MOST IMPERIALISTIC NATION ON EARTH' 1. Widenor, Henry Cabot Lodge, pp. 37-9. 2. Ibid., p. 304. 3. John M. Carroll, 'Henry Cabot Lodge's Contributions to the Shaping of Republican European Diplomacy, 1920-1924,' Capitol Studies 3 (Fall 1975): 153-65; Congressional Record, 67th Cong., 2d. Sess., 62 (16 March 1922): 3956. 198 Notes 4. 'Citizenship and Residency' Subject File, Special Collections, Hoover Library; Lower, Bloc of One, pp. 151-2. 5. Michael J. Hogan, Informal Entente: The Private Structure of Cooperation in Anglo-American Economic Diplomacy, 1918-1928 (Columbia, MO, 1977). 6. Frank Costigliola, Awkward Dominion: American Political, Economic, and Cultural Relations with Europe, 1919-1933 (Ithaca, 1984): 142. 7. Elting E. Morison, Admiral Sims and the Modern American Navy (Boston, 1942), pp. 482-3. 8. By the time Sims returned to Washington, the storm had blown over. Navy Secretary Edwin Denby gave him a mild reprimand for expressing an opinion on international topics while in a foreign country, and Harding never even brought up the issue when Sims paid him a visit later that same day. Morison, Admiral Sims, pp. 483-5; Walsh to Rev. M. J. Foley, 11 June 1921, Walsh-Erickson MSS, Box 295, Library of Congress Manuscript Collections, Washington, D.C. 9. Petition of the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic [n.d., 1921], William E. Borah MSS, Box 116, Library of Congress Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C. 10. Congressional Record, 67th Con g., 2d Sess., 61 (26 April 1921 ): 646; F. M. Carroll, 'The American Committee for Relief in Ireland, 1920-22,' Irish Historical Studies 23 (May 1982): 30-49. ll. Ibid., pp. 40-4. 12. Congressional Record, 67th Cong., 2d Sess., 61 (21 June 1921): 2803; John S. Galbraith, 'The United States, Britain, and the Creation of the Irish Free State,' South Atlantic Quarterly 48 (October 1949): 566-74.