Glen Jeansonne. Women of the Far Right: The Mother's Movement and World War II. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. xix + 264 pp Glen Jeansonne. Women of the Far Right: The Mothers' Movement and World War II. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. xix + 264 pp. $22.00, paper, ISBN 978-0-226-39589-0. Reviewed by Lisa Krissoff Boehm Published on H-Women (March, 1998) Glen Jeansonne's Women of the Far Right: The U.S. involvement in the conflicts of Europe and in Mother's Movement and World War II documents part presented themselves as concerned mothers) the rise of ultraconservative women's groups originated in California just after the German in‐ which organized in protest of U.S. involvement in vasion of Poland in September 1939. Part of the the Second World War. Jeansonne, a seasoned po‐ original impetus for organization came from litical biographer, is a professor of history at the William Randolph Hearst and Robert McCormick, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee and brings a who used their newspapers to promote the isola‐ biographer's eye for detail to his narrative of the tionist groups. The newspapers provided positive formation of these organizations. Jeansonne suc‐ press to the movement for years, although the ceeds in presenting a full story on this heretofore possible fnancial link between the papers and the dimly known or understood corner of American movement remains hazy. The original mothers' women's history by utilizing nearly every possible organization, the National Legion of Mothers of scrap of written evidence on the groups. Women America, spun off and inspired other organiza‐ of the Fair Right is an important addition to the tions. Gradually, the various groups grew into a historiography of far right politics and of ultra‐ large, decentralized movement with as many as conservative women.[1] five to six million members. Over time, the groups What Jeansonne terms the "mothers' move‐ moved farther and farther to the right. The lead‐ ment" (groups of women who organized against ers of the movement openly sympathized with H-Net Reviews Nazism and fascism generally and were overtly FDR's court-packing plan and to keep the United and passionately anti-Semitic. Most of the women States out of war from groups she had earlier or‐ members were white, middle-class, middle-aged, ganized to promote women's investing. Together, and Christian; the leaders resembled their groups Curtis and Dilling helped organize the most im‐ except for the fact that they were more often col‐ portant action of the mother's movement--a six lege-educated and upper-middle class. Organizing hundred woman protest of the proposed Lend- to publish materials, testify before Congress, pick‐ Lease plan in Washington D.C. Lyrl Clark Van et government centers, and aid in political cam‐ Hyning joined them in the endeavor, bringing her paigns, these women ultimately had little effect Chicago-based "We the Mothers Mobilize for on the workings of government or the general America" to the fght. Agnes Waters did not lead a American attitude towards World War II. But they group of women but gained prominence as a self- undoubtedly hampered Franklin Roosevelt's at‐ appointed ultraconservative spokeswoman. Wa‐ tempts to unify the country in preparation for ters, who had campaigned for women's suffrage, war. served as secretary of the National Women's Par‐ Jeansonne points out early on that he seeks ty, and had registered as a Democrat, oddly meta‐ not to document conservative women, but ultra‐ morphosed into a rapid anti-Roosevelt commenta‐ conservative women, who he sees as very differ‐ tor, openly protesting the immigration of Euro‐ ent from the mainstream members of the political pean refugee children, conscription, and Lend- right. Jeansonne carefully attempts to document Lease. the evolution of the leaders' thoughts, although Jeansonne's choice to concentrate on the lives their philosophies veer significantly from the logi‐ and ideologies of the leaders of the mother's cal. The work concentrates on presenting the lives movement rather than trying to capture the be‐ of the leaders of the 1930s-40s ultraconservative liefs of the mass of members may lead readers isolationist movement, including Elizabeth astray, however. Perhaps the paucity of informa‐ Dilling, Catherine Curtis, and Lyrl Clark Van Hyn‐ tion on the movement led Jeansonne to concen‐ ing, as well as self-appointed far right activist, trate on the most visible members of the groups. Agnes Waters. Chicago-born Elizabeth Dilling was But in doing so, Jeansonne highlights the most re‐ the most important woman of the far right of the actionary of these women and fails to explain 1930s. After three years at the University of Chica‐ how the groups could have appealed to millions go (she left without her degree), Dilling married of American women. Understanding how ex‐ and traveled extensively. Trips to Germany, where tremely zealous political activists are able to she attended Nazi meetings, and the Soviet Union, translate their message for a broad base of people which appalled her, largely colored her thought should be one of the goals of this type of political on international relations, awakening her sympa‐ research. Jeansonne documents the investigation thy for fascism and the Nazi movement in particu‐ of the groups by the FBI, culminating in the sedi‐ lar, and her antipathy for communism. After be‐ tion trial of far right leaders, frst indicted in 1942. ing inspired by the teachings of Iris McCord of (A mistrial occurs after the death of the Judge, and Chicago's Moody Bible Institute, Dilling began a the case is eventually dropped.) The focus on the career as an anti-communist speaker, researcher, unwavering anti-Semitism and pro-Nazism of the and organizer. She compiled a list of suspected leaders, the organization's ties with other far right communists entitled The Red Network and gradu‐ leaders like Father Charles Coughlin and Gerald L. ally came to believe that an international Jewish Smith, and the detailed discussion of the sedition conspiracy lay behind communism. Independent‐ trial offer little room for understanding the con‐ ly wealthy Catherine Curtis spun groups to oppose 2 H-Net Reviews cerns of the mass of women involved with these on the pretext of aiding Americans held as prison‐ anti-war movements. ers of war by the Japanese" (p. 92). Through my Jeansonne, trained as a political biographer, own research of Lucy Palermo, I concluded that naturally gravitated toward documenting the the "pretext" leading to the formation of the group lives of the leaders of the movement. The bulk of was nothing other than the imprisonment of Pa‐ the book, he explains, combines "a narrative of lermo's son Amiel as a Japanese P.O.W. for two one or more groups with an interpretation of the years.[2] In addition, Palermo's life-time commit‐ principal fgures" (pp. xii-iii). This method proves ment to the Democratic party and her own work problematic, creating a strain between the stories in Chicago government as an elected official of individuals and groups. Jeansonne's heavy re‐ (Democrat) during the 1930s belie Jeansonne's as‐ liance on the documents of the F.B.I. and the Anti- sertion that these women were almost solely Re‐ Defamation League of the B'nai Brith tends to publicans, if they joined any party at all. highlight the leaders and their baser motivations. The work could have been strengthened by Jeansonne himself admits that most women left connecting the work of the ultraconservative iso‐ the mother's movement after the American entry lationists with the history of other isolationist into the war after Pearl Harbor. But the narrative women activists in the United States. Jeansonne underplays this significant turning point and of‐ occasionally mentions Jeannette Rankin, but does fers little explanation for this burst of loyalism. not explicitly address the ways in which her Although Jeansonne explains that "oral history protest of involvement in war differed from that proved infeasible," it may have proved the only of the mothers. Including a full discussion of the available antidote to this concentration of the women who worked as liberal anti-war activists leaders given the shortage of existing papers (p. would have linked the previously unknown story xiii). Members of the groups and family members of the ultraconservative women to a more estab‐ are certainly still alive. lished historiography, and provided a better con‐ Not being a practiced historian of women, text for understanding their actions. Perhaps the Jeansonne struggles to link the motivations of reader would also be better able to understand these publicly-minded ultraconservatives to the the motivations of the far right-wing activists had idea of feminism, ultimately falling short of a the issue of ethnicity been knit more completely meaningful connection. Rather than trying to ft into Jeansonne's narration; many of these women these right-wing women into the definition of must have been at least partially compelled to op‐ feminism, (a task which seems unwarranted), pose entry into World War II because of German, Jeansonne could have benefited from a deeper Italian, or Irish ancestry. (A significant number of analysis of the women's motivations to oppose Irish opposed or felt ambivalent towards entry war from the position of mothers. While he inten‐ into World War II because of antipathy towards tionally calls the movement by its own chosen the British.) Ethnic sympathies are not explored at name, the mothers' movement, he discounts length. motherhood as a true motivation for anti-war ac‐ Despite these criticisms, Jeansonne's book re‐ tivism. This error is magnified in Jeansonne's dis‐ mains an extremely important element in the his‐ cussion of "We the Mothers Mobilize for America" tory of women of the far right.