This article was downloaded by: [lucien frary] On: 15 June 2013, At: 01:06 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Mediterranean Historical Review Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmhr20 Russian consuls and the Greek war of independence (1821–31) Lucien J. Frary a a Department of History , Rider University , Lawrenceville , New Jersey To cite this article: Lucien J. Frary (2013): Russian consuls and the Greek war of independence (1821–31), Mediterranean Historical Review, 28:1, 46-65 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2013.782671 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. 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Frary* Rider University, Department of History, Lawrenceville, New Jersey Russian consular dispatches contain vivid descriptions of life in the nineteenth- century Ottoman Balkans. Besides war and diplomacy, Russian archival materials provide historians with insight on nationalism, religion, and society. The long-lasting struggle for Greek independence (1821–31) created unprecedented challenges for Russian officials in Ottoman domains. Tsarist envoys played a mediating role in issues over territories, prisoners of war, religious conversions, and refugee relief. In the context of Russian–Ottoman nineteenth-century relations, this article shows that Russian agents worked to protect the rights of Orthodox Christians and promote commercial, cultural, and political connections. It reveals the sometimes contradictory nature of tsarist policy, based on legitimism and reactionary conservatism, yet supportive of movements for independence among Orthodox Christians. Keywords: Eastern Question; Greece; Ottoman Empire; Russia; Balkans Manuscripts and archives from Russian consulates in the Ottoman Balkans broaden our perspective on the history of the Eastern Question (the dilemma of what to do with the resilient Ottoman Empire) in the first half of the nineteenth century. Largely untapped sources from consular posts such as Thessaloniki (Angelo Mustoxidi), the Aegean archipelago (Ioannis Vlassopoulos), northern Greece (Ioannis Paparrigopoulos), and Patras (Ioannis Kallogerakis) present abundant firsthand testimony on the Greek revolt, the problems inherent in Ottoman society, and the rivalries among European powers in the Near East.1 The testimonies of Russian consuls provide rich snapshots of the turmoil ofthe times. Communications, registers, personal letters, pamphlets, newspaper clippings, and other official and private documents (in a variety of languages) provide multi-faceted reflections on a diverse range of ethnic and religious issues, adding depth to what is often portrayed as a military and diplomatic affair. By relating anecdotes, travel impressions and personal encounters, the copious correspondence Downloaded by [lucien frary] at 01:06 15 June 2013 of Russian consuls casts fitful beams of light upon conditions within the Ottoman Empire, and provides historians with a treasure-trove for the study of the Eastern Question. Russian diplomatic activity in the Balkans and Near East was first established during the reign of Peter the Great (1696–1725). By the early decades of the nineteenth century, Saint Petersburg had created many contacts in the main commercial and political centres of the Ottoman Empire. The responsibilities of Russian consular agents were wide- ranging. Daily duties included the inspection of passports and regulation of commerce, the maintenance of naval registers, and the collection of data on military affairs. Less frequently, consuls were expected to intervene when Orthodox Christians, Russian prote´ge´s, and merchants were treated unfairly. Consular files contain unique records on judicial procedures and social practices in cases involving Muslims and Christians. Perhaps the most vexing (but also advantageous) consular task concerned the functioning of the capitulation and berats (deeds of protection) systems. The notorious *Email: [email protected] q 2013 Taylor & Francis Mediterranean Historical Review 47 capitulation system granted European powers special commercial, judicial, and political privileges.2 The right to hire talented Ottoman subjects as prote´ge´s (holders of berats) enhanced Russian contacts with the local elite and provided information from remote locations. By the nineteenth century, the employment of Greeks at consular posts in the Balkans and eastern Mediterranean had become a special Russian tradition.3 Talented individuals were invited to Saint Petersburg, where they received an education and government salary before returning to Levantine posts as accredited Russian officials. Greek Russian agents witnessed dramatic events, interacted with eminent personalities, and left vibrant communique´s reporting their encounters. Their writings illuminate the hopes and dreams, hazards and hardships of transitional regions along the Ottoman periphery. They exhibit the nuanced sympathies of the native, and offer intimate insights into lifestyles and practices that often escaped the purview of Western envoys.4 Russian subjects of Greek ancestry constructed a proud sense of identity based on allegiance to the tsar, their Greek homeland, and the greater Orthodox world. Promoting Russian interests and ambitions proved satisfying to these Greeks, who spoke in the name of the tsar. As prominent representatives of Orthodox Christianity, Russian consuls detailed the confused religious realities that constituted the core of the Greek-Ottoman confrontation. The religious connection between Russia and the Orthodox people of the Balkans served as a strong binding element. Russia’s Orthodox sentiments were extremely important in a society where religion had traditionally defined divisions in the state and dictated the culture of each division. Common Orthodoxy meant common culture, and Saint Petersburg’s practice of employing Greeks reinforced the image of Russia as the ultimate liberator and the great benefactor.5 Deep-seated sympathy for Orthodoxy meant that the extensive coverage of the sectarian violence by Russian envoys tended to portray the Greeks in a positive light. Witnesses of numerous attacks by the non-Orthodox, the Russian agents could be very hostile to Turks and Albanians. Yet they were not biased against all Muslims; they even showed sympathy to Muslim leaders. Consular narratives are also excellent sources on Russian Orientalism, a subject of recent interest among historians.6 This article focuses on Russia and the last phase of the Greek revolution based on hitherto neglected Russian consular documents.7 It demonstrates that Russia aimed to maintain commerce and friendship with the Ottoman Empire, safeguard the rights of Downloaded by [lucien frary] at 01:06 15 June 2013 Orthodox Christians, and develop contacts in the Black Sea and eastern Mediterranean. Whereas the Russian Foreign Ministry professed an attitude of neutrality towards the Greek revolt, on many occasions Saint Petersburg was willing to intervene. An examination of Russian entanglements in near-eastern affairs illuminates the dual character of tsarist policy, which aimed to secure a special position among the Orthodox Christians, while categorically condemning revolutionary disorders and nationalist insurrections against ‘legitimate’ sovereigns. The Greek revolution broke out in a variety of different places in February as well as March 1821. In February, along the Danube, the dashing Russian general Alexander Ypsilantis and a small force of volunteers marched into Moldavia and proclaimed independence from Ottoman rule. In March, the raising of a Greek flag and the swearing-in of armed men took place in important towns and villages throughout the Peloponnese. In April, according to the traditional account, Archbishop Germanos called for insurrection in Patras and other leaders soon assembled. The numerous movements were not coordinated, and the offensive launched by Ypsilantis was soon crushed. In the Peloponnesus and the mainland, however, concerted attacks by Turks on Greeks or by 48 L.J. Frary Greeks on Turks lasted for the next decade. There were many victories and defeats of the revolutionaries at sea as well. The Greeks, disorganized and prone to infighting, often came near to complete defeat. The intervention of the European great powers proved crucial in resolving the Ottoman- Greek encounter. The decisive moment came at the Battle of Navarino