People and Culture in Oceania, 33: 1-15, 2017 $VWKHRIILFLDOMRXUQDORI7KH-DSDQHVH6RFLHW\IRU2FHDQLF6WXGLHV3HRSOHDQG&XOWXUH LQ2FHDQLD IRUPHUO\0DQDQG&XOWXUHLQ2FHDQLD DLPVWRSXEOLVKRULJLQDOUHVHDUFKDQG FRPPXQLFDWLRQVRIVFLHQWL¿FLQWHUHVW7KHUHOHYDQWVFLHQWL¿F¿HOGVLQFOXGHSK\VLFDODQGFXOWXUDO “My Grandparents Told Me a Lot about My Japanese Dad”: DQWKURSRORJ\OLQJXLVWLFVSUHKLVWRU\DQGDUFKDHRORJ\KXPDQHFRORJ\JHRJUDSK\HWF7KH Ethnic Identification of Japanese Descendants in Broome, JHRJUDSKLFDOUHJLRQVRIUHVHDUFKDUH3RO\QHVLD0HODQHVLD0LFURQHVLD$XVWUDOLDDQG,VODQG Western Australia 6RXWKHDVW$VLDDOWKRXJKUHVHDUFKRQDGMDFHQWDUHDVHJ7DLZDQDQGWKH0DOD\3HQLQVXODLVDOVR DFFHSWDEOHZKHQWKHWKHPHLVUHOHYDQWWRWKHLQWHUHVWVRI2FHDQLVWV7KHMRXUQDOZLOOEHLVVXHG DQQXDOO\LQ'HFHPEHU7KHHGLWRUVZHOFRPHVXEPLVVLRQRIRULJLQDOSDSHUVDQGFRPPXQLFDWLRQV * EULHIUHSRUWVRQVFLHQWL¿FUHVHDUFKDQGPHWKRGRORJ\QRWHVDQGUHPDUNVRILQWHUHVW DQGERRN Yuriko Yamanouchi UHYLHZV$OOPDQXVFULSWVZLOOEHVXEMHFWWRSHHUUHYLHZ (GLWRUV 0DVDKLUR80(=$., *UDGXDWH6FKRRORI0HGLFLQHWKH8QLYHUVLW\RI7RN\R Studies on Japanese migration to Australia seem to deal exclusively with either the 0DNLNR.8:$+$5$ 6FKRRORI+XPDQLWLHV.LQMR*DNXLQ8QLYHUVLW\ pre- or post-World War II periods, and have mainly covered first generation migrants. The (GLWRULDO%RDUG intergenerational effects and consequences of migration have not been discussed. This paper explores the ethnic identity of Japanese migrants’ descendants in Broome, into which Japanese 1RULR1,:$ 1DWLRQDO0XVHXPRI(WKQRORJ\ laborers migrated from the 1880s through the 1960s. Despite the migration restrictions of 0DNRWR.85$7$ 6FKRRORI0HGLFLQH7RN\R0HGLFDO8QLYHUVLW\ the White Australia Policy, the internment of Japanese during the World War II, and their -XQ%$%$ )DFXOW\RI+XPDQ6FLHQFHV:DNR8QLYHUVLW\ subsequent deportation, Japanese migrants still found opportunities to have relationships 0LQDWR1$.$=$:$ .REH8QLYHUVLW\*UDGXDWH6FKRRORI+HDOWK6FLHQFHV with local Indigenous people, resulting in offspring and other descendants. Most of these 7RUX<$0$*8&+, )DFXOW\RI/HWWHUV.HLR8QLYHUVLW\ Japanese descendants in Broome are seemingly “integrated” in many ways, e.g. they do not 0DWRUL<$0$0272 )DFXOW\RI(FRQRPLFV+RVHL8QLYHUVLW\ speak Japanese, do not cluster in enclaves, and do not congregate regularly. They do not even 0HPEHUVKLSLQ7KH-DSDQHVH6RFLHW\IRU2FHDQLF6WXGLHVLVRSHQWRDOOLQGLYLGXDOVZKRDUH participate in special Japanese “community” events, which are mainly run by 2 families. LQWHUHVWHGLQSHRSOHDQGFXOWXUHLQ2FHDQLD$QQXDOGXHVDUH\HQ RU86 0HPEHUVKLS However, many of them—even those who have never met their Japanese predecessors— LQFOXGHVDQDQQXDOVXEVFULSWLRQWR3HRSOHDQG&XOWXUHLQ2FHDQLD)RUQRQPHPEHUVWKHSULFHSHU claim Japanese heritage. Close examination of how they received Japanese ethnic identity reveals their identification as Japanese descendants to be supported in various ways. While YROXPHLV\HQ RU86 LQFOXGLQJSRVWDJH)RUPHPEHUVKLSDQGVXEVFULSWLRQLQTXLULHV those whose Japanese forebears stayed in Broome would have these ancestors as a source FRQWDFW of Japanese identity, those with little or no exposure to their Japanese ancestors often have 1RULR1,:$ (PDLOVHFUHWDU\>DW@MVRVQHW their Japanese identification supported by non-Japanese family members, as well as the larger 1DWLRQDO0XVHXPRI(WKQRORJ\ Broome community, which draws on its rich history of interaction between Japanese and 6HQUL([SR3DUN6XLWD2VDND-DSDQ local Indigenous Australians. Though they display minimal Japanese cultural indicators, their 6XEVFULSWLRQRUGHUVIURPRYHUVHDVFRXQWULHVVKRXOGEHSDLGLQ86FXUUHQF\E\DQ\RIWKH identities are substantial enough to drive some of them to pursue their genealogies in Japan. IROORZLQJPHDQV E\LQWHUQDWLRQDOSRVWDOPRQH\RUGHUWR2VHDQLD*DNNDLSRVWJLURDFFRXQWQR Keywords: Japanese migrants, Australia, Broome, Indigenous Australians, inter-ethnic relationships, ethnic identity, identity transmission ±±-DSDQ3RVW%DQN E\SHUVRQDOFKHFNPDGHRXWWR7KH-DSDQHVH6RFLHW\IRU2FHDQLF6WXGLHV 1. Introduction Cynthia (pseudonym) is a woman in her 50s from Broome. Her mother was Aboriginal, and her father was a Japanese laborer who left when she was 2 years old. She said that she was brought up by her Aboriginal grandparents as an “Aboriginal child.” She was not exposed to Japanese * School of International and Area Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Tokyo, Japan [e-mail: [email protected]] 2 Y. Yamanouchi cultural customs, materials, or people during her upbringing. That is, she had little cultural input which would indicate and inculcate “Japanese”-ness. However, when I asked about her identity, she responded, “Aboriginal-Japanese”; “Aboriginal” because she was brought up as an “Aboriginal” and “Japanese” because, in her own words, “I am Japanese.” She said this with no hesitation that would betray a less than genuine belief. Although I had expected to see people in Broome like Cynthia—of Japanese descent but without Japanese cultural indicators—I was struck by her confidence in her Japanese identity. I wrote in my diary later that day, “It would not have been easy to be in that kind of position. What made her so confident?” This paper explores the ethnic identity of Japanese migrants’ descendants in Broome, a town located 2,200 km north of Perth, Western Australia. From the 1880s to the 1960s Broome had an influx of Asian migrants, including Japanese, seeking work in its pearl shelling industry and related businesses. Despite the migration restrictions of the White Australia Policy, the internment of Japanese during the World War II, and their subsequent deportation, they still found opportunities to have relationships with local Indigenous people1 resulting in offspring and other descendants, some of whom are still living in Broome and other parts of Australia. Studies on Japanese migration to Australia can be roughly divided into those dealing with the pre-World War II period (Nagata, 1996; Oliver, 2007, 2011; Jones and Oliver, 2001; Sissons, 1979) and the post-World War II (Hamano, 2010; Kawashima, 2010; Mizukami, 2007; Sato, 2001; Shiobara, 2003; Tamura, 2003). With some exceptions (Nagata, 2001a, 2004), researchers have mainly dealt with first-generation migrants, resulting in a relatively narrow scope of academic discussion. Iwabuchi (2016) also points out most studies focus on migrant relationships with Japan as opposed to migrant-local relations, resulting in little contribution to the theoretical discussion on issues such as hybridity, diaspora, mobility, and transnationalism—major topics in contemporary migration studies. Issues such as Japanese migrants’ experiences of integration into their host societies, inter-ethnic encounters, development of hybridity, as well as the creation of transnational ties and their influence on migrant identity and sense of belonging have not been sufficiently investigated. Issues such as the migrant experience of inter-ethnic marriage, integration and identity transformation (Hamano, 2010; Tamura, 2003), the “hybrid identity project” for children of migrants in “multicultural Australia” (Shiobara, 2003), and migrants’ transnational experiences (Kawashima, 2010), have sparked little academic interest. Furthermore, even these studies mainly cover first-generation migrants and have not dealt with the intergenerational effects and 1 There are roughly 2 kinds of Indigenous Australians: Aboriginal people descend from the people who lived on the continent and surrounding islands before English settlement. Torres Strait Islanders are descendants of pre-English-settlement residents in the Torres Strait. This paper deals only with Aboriginal people. “Indigenous people” here includes mixed descendants with Asian and European blood. When necessary, mixed heritage is specified. Ethnic Identification of Japanese Descendants in Broome 3 consequences of migration. This paper addresses descendant identity by examining a society in which (1) Japanese migration was ongoing from the 1880s through the 1960s; and (2) Japanese migrant and local relationships, and their offspring, remain the majority of descendants. In other words, Broome is an area which exemplifies the complex dynamics of the intergenerational, inter-ethnic migrant experience, providing critical insight into topics such as integration and hybridity. How do Japanese descendants in Broome, who are seemingly “integrated” in so many ways, still claim Japanese heritage? Is it merely nominal? What was the effect of their Japanese ancestors’ inter-ethnic marriages? In order to deal with these questions, I will focus on the transmission of ethnic identity as a foundation for investigating the dynamics of identity formation in an environment where inter-ethnic marriages have been common for generations. Jenkins (1997: 14) argues that “ethnicity as a social identity is collective and individual, externalized in social interaction and internalized in personal self-identification.” An individual’s sense of ethnic membership can be internalized during early primary socialization in a social environment where ethnic differentiation is salient and consequential enough to intrude into the social world of children: “Children know who they are because others tell them” (Jenkins, 1997: 47). This viewpoint partly explains the strong association between intermarriage and the breaking of the ethnic boundary, as well as migrants’ and ethnic minorities’ integration into host societies. In many societies, family members engage in children’s early primary socialization and may transmit identity to them. Intermarriage has been viewed as the ultimate boundary