STREET GANG MEMBERSHIP IN BOSTON: A LIFE COURSE PERPSECTIVE A dissertation presented By Paul F. Joyce Jr. to The School of Criminology and Criminal Justice In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the field of Criminology and Justice Policy Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts July 2017 1 STREET GANG MEMBERSHIP IN BOSTON: A LIFE COURSE PERPSECTIVE A dissertation presented By Paul F. Joyce Jr. ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Criminology and Justice Policy in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University July 2017 2 Abstract Historically, the study of gangs and gang membership has focused on the onset and continuity of adolescent gang membership. Overall, little research has been dedicated to studying the gang member’s adult years, and the implications of gang membership over the life course. To fill this gap in knowledge, the current study integrates an examination of gangs and gang membership with the life course perspective by exploring the life experiences of 28 former gang members and two neighborhood street criminals from the late 1980’s and early 1990’s in Boston. Key to this research was an examination of the experiences of gang membership in Boston, the transitions and turning points that caused this group of serious and violent offenders to either persist in or desist from deviant and criminal behavior, and the long-term effects of gang membership. The data collection process included in-depth, one-on-one interviews, the use of life history calendars to chronicle major life events, and criminal history records. The results suggest that the experience of gang membership in Boston was similar to that of other re-emerging gang cities of the late 1980’s, in that structural turning points combined with the individual’s own human agency had a direct effect on criminal behavior, and youth gang membership had long-lasting effects over the individual’s life span. More specifically, the findings of this study differ from other studies in that marriage was not an important turning point for the subjects, and many of them were able to successfully desist from crime even in the absence of “knifing off” their pasts. Consistent with other studies, the structural turning point of work was found to be a critical component of change for the majority of the subjects. Finally, even today, almost 30 years after the re-emergence of the street gang culture in Boston, many of the men still struggle with the long-term impacts of the decisions they made when they were adolescents. 3 Dedication To my loving parents, Paul and Joanne, who taught me that with hard work you can achieve all of your goals. To my children, Elizabeth, Michelle, and Ryan, whose words of encouragement never wavered. And to my wife Susan, my pillar of strength: Your guidance, advice, and faith in me gave me the will to complete this long journey – I love you. 4 Acknowledgments I want to express my sincere gratitude to Professor Amy Farrell for her guidance and support, and for pushing me to be a critical thinker and writer. I also want to thank Associate Dean Jack McDevitt and Professor Peter Manning for taking the time to serve on my dissertation committee, and for their input and valuable comments. My thanks to Professor Phil He and the late Dean Chet Britt for their assistance and support during my comprehensive exam process. To Associate Dean Natasha Frost for providing funding for this research. To Professor Marc Swatt for taking the fear out of multivariate statistics. To Laurie Mastone who always had the answers to my many questions. To Jenna Savage for her careful observations and insightful comments, I am eternally grateful. To Katy Mayo for always being available to help. To Linda Lee and the women of Lee & Associates. To the Boston Street Gang Advisory Group (BSGAG) members for their expertise and time. And finally, to the men who participated in this study, for trusting me to tell their stories in their own words. 5 Table of Contents Abstract 3 Dedication 4 Acknowledgments 5 Table of Contents 6 I. Introduction: The Importance of Studying Gang Membership over the Life Course 7 II. Literature Review/Theoretical Organizing Framework 16 III. Method of Study 29 IV. Experiences of Youth who were Involved in Gangs in Boston in the Late 1980’s through Early 1990’s 69 a. Neighborhood 70 b. Family 87 c. Education 98 V. Tracing the History and Formation of Boston’s Late-1980’s Street Gangs 107 VI. What are the Turning Points or Events that Cause Gang-Involved Youth to Either Persist in or Desist from Criminal and Deviant Behavior? 169 VII. Conclusion 247 Bibliography 276 Appendices 286 6 I. Introduction: The Importance of Studying Gang Membership over the Life Course The negative impact of the street gang culture in urban settings can be devastating. The police are still regarded as the primary responders to gangs and gang violence, but this problem far exceeds their capacity. The presence of and violent criminal activities associated with street gangs affect the workings of city agencies and criminal justice agencies, business, public health, and medical organizations, and—at the neighborhood level—families, schools, and the vast majority of youth who are not gang involved. As a former police officer in the City of Boston, I have seen firsthand the lethal consequences of gang violence. In 1988, I was a member of a plainclothes police unit assigned to suppress the escalating gang violence that was beginning to overwhelm both the police department and the neighborhoods of Roxbury, Dorchester, Mattapan, Jamaica Plain, and the South End. Over the next two years, I witnessed the carnage that took place among African American and Hispanic youth who were involved in the street gang lifestyle. By 1990, the number of homicides reached 152, the highest ever in the city of Boston, with the vast majority of these homicides involving, all or some, combination of street gangs, crack cocaine, and illegal firearms. Boston Police Department (BPD) crime strategies were almost entirely built around repressing the high level of drug and gang crime that was occurring on a daily basis. During that time, I worked with a group of police officers and other law enforcement officers who balanced a strong initiative for fighting crime with a sense of fairness, compassion, and empathy.1 In our daily dealings with gang members at the street level, the potential for hostility and violence was ever-present and always at the forefront of our thoughts. However, there were many occasions 1 To support this statement, see Methods section, BSGAG member “Frank,” and statement of “Joseph” 7 when our interactions with gang members were less tense, and even cordial, which allowed us to get to know them on a more personal basis. Having knowledge of their stories and experiences changed what was a straightforward, clearly defined picture of “us against them” into one which was more confounding and the source of conflicting emotions. I can recall many discussions with my partners in which we talked about the positive potential that existed within this group of street-tough youth and their potential ability to succeed if given the opportunity. Since that time, the majority of my policing career was spent connected to Boston’s gang culture through enforcement, intervention, and prevention initiatives. Through these experiences I have learned that some gang members can alter the direction of their lives. I have directly observed the positive changes that can occur when gang members were willing to accept the services and mentorship support provided through prisoner reentry initiatives or took advantage of programs that offered employment opportunities and life skills training. But, even with these firsthand experiences, I still did not understand the underlying influences that led to this dramatic shift in behavior. More specifically, I could not articulate how change happened, when it happened, and what were the mechanisms that contributed to this change. Thus, from a personal perspective as well as a research perspective, there is much to learn about the lives of gang members. While it might appear that this population is beyond repair, I would suggest that the majority of current and former gang members have the potential to contribute positively to their communities. The purpose and motivation for this study is to fully explore the notion that people can change and lives can be remade. To properly study gangs, one needs to be grounded in the historical perspective of gangs and the transformations that have taken place over time (Matza, 1999; Shaw & McKay, 1942; Short & Strodtbeck, 1974; Sykes & Matza, 1957; Whyte, 1943). Youth gangs have existed in the 8 United States since the late 1800’s (Curry & Decker, 1998). This time frame was marked by the significant growth of immigrant populations entering the United States and settling into major urban areas. The early street gangs were overwhelmingly represented by disadvantaged youth of Irish and Italian descent. Considered to be disorganized in structure and activities, their early gang activity consisted of small-time street crime and fighting with other gangs (1998). By the 1920’s, the next generation of gang members were only slightly more advanced than their predecessors. Still strongly represented by youth of Irish and Italian background, this variant of the gang was more committed to crime and violence, but remained unorganized and would eventually fade away, leaving no lasting imprint (p. 14). In the 1950’s and 1960’s, two different versions of the gang culture emerged. The 1950’s was a time dominated by the middle-class value system.