At the Intersection of Chieftainship And

At the Intersection of Chieftainship And

Journal de la Société des Océanistes 141 | juillet-décembre 2015 Nouveaux regards sur les chefferies fidjiennes At the Intersection of Chieftainship and Constitutional Government: Some Comparisons from Micronesia À l'intersection de la chefferie et du gouvernement constitutionnel : quelques comparaisons de Micronésie Glenn Petersen Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/jso/7434 DOI: 10.4000/jso.7434 ISSN: 1760-7256 Publisher Société des océanistes Printed version Date of publication: 15 December 2015 Number of pages: 255-265 ISBN: 978-2-85430-126-7 ISSN: 0300-953x Electronic reference Glenn Petersen, « At the Intersection of Chieftainship and Constitutional Government: Some Comparisons from Micronesia », Journal de la Société des Océanistes [Online], 141 | juillet-décembre 2015, Online since 15 December 2017, connection on 02 May 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/jso/7434 ; DOI : 10.4000/jso.7434 © Tous droits réservés At the Intersection of Chieftainship and Constitutional Government: Some Comparisons from Micronesia by Glenn PETERSEN* ABSTRACT RÉSUMÉ Indigenous Micronesian political forms closely paral- Les formes politiques indigènes de Micronésie sont très proches lel those of eastern Melanesian and Polynesian societies. de celles des sociétés de Polynésie et de Mélanésie de l’est. La Chieftainship integrates aspects of land tenure, kin grou- cheferie intègre certains aspects de la propriété foncière, des pings, status hierarchy, and ideologies of the supernatural. groupements de parenté, des statuts hiérarchiques et des idéolo- Because so many aspects of social and political economy gies de la surnature. Dans la mesure où ces institutions sont à meet in these institutions, chiely politics have traditio- la croisée de tant d’aspects de l’économie sociale et politique, les nally been responsive to popular pressures; there is in politiques menées par les chefs tendent, traditionnellement, à fact, if not necessarily in myth, very little that is auto- tenir compte des pressions populaires ; quoi qu’en dise le mythe, cratic about them. he primary debate in the Federated dans les faits, elles ne sont que très marginalement autocra- States of Micronesia has not been about the importance of tiques. Le débat central parmi les États fédérés de Micronésie chieftainship, but whether the people are better served by ne concerne donc pas l’importance de la cheferie, mais la ques- including chiefs within their constitutional government tion de savoir si le peuple a intérêt à ce que le gouvernement or keeping them outside it, where it is believed they can constitutionnel inclut les chefs, ou s’il vaut mieux les en exclure, more efectively exercise the checks and balances the people partant du principe qu’il sont mieux placés pour garantir le wish to maintain. contrôle et le contre-point que le peuple souhaite maintenir. Keywords: Chieftainship, constitutional govern- Mots-clés : cheferie, governement constitution- ment, Federated States of Micronesia nel, États fédérés de Micronésie hough Micronesian societies’ traditional go- European-based socio-political forms. here just vernments have their roots in cultural history may be some proit in comparing Micronesian shared with Fiji and Polynesia, they do not attract responses to the dilemma of maintaining chiely much attention. his is unfortunate, because politics in an era that loudly, if not necessarily there is much to be learned from Micronesians’ scrupulously, shouts out the inevitability of de- experiences integrating the dynamics of chief- mocracy, or at least quasi-democratic forms. tainship with parliamentary rule. My aim here During the course of the irst millennium bce, is to describe key aspects of traditional Microne- voyaging peoples made the leap from Near Ocea- sian polities, to explore some of the reasons why nia to Remote Oceania, heading out from the So- Micronesians have opted to retain these, and lomon Islands, east (to Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa), to challenge claims that such traditional forms south (to what are now known as Vanuatu and and practices are inherently incompatible with New Caledonia), and north (to Pohnpei and Kos- * Baruch College, City University of New York, [email protected] Journal de la Société des Océanistes 141, année 2015-2 256 JOURNAL DE LA SOCIÉTÉ DES OCÉANISTES rae). here must have been multiple voyages in political scientists attribute to the modern nation- each direction, conducted by several diferent but state, Westphalian-based international relations, closely related populations, and these peoples car- and Grotian political theory. here is perhaps ried with them a range of interrelated languages, even greater irony in the specter of metropolitan cultural beliefs, and social practices. he modern powers insisting on replication of their own poli- populations of Eastern Melanesia, Fiji, Polyne- tical practices as a condition of decolonization. sia, and most of Micronesia are descended from Underlying my approach here is my sense that in these ancestral stocks and for all the apparent everyday life virtually all systems of politics and go- diferences in their languages, cultures, and socie- vernment operate at some degree of variance from ties, they manifest important and fundamental whatever theoretical frameworks they are supposed commonalities1. he overarching socio-political to be based upon. (“Utopia”, that is, a place where form scholars refer to as chieftainship thrives eve- there is absolute coherence between the theory and rywhere in these islands and plays a central orga- practice of government, exists, in homas More’s nizing role in the social lives of their peoples. original sense of the word, “no place”). Contem- Each of these societies has undergone not only porary state-organized governments are inherently its own speciic historical developments but also neither more nor less likely to perform according to experienced ongoing and recurring linkages with theory than chieftainships, and problems attribu- the societies of multiple other islands. Because ted to the alleged ineiciencies and inequalities of they also share some fundamental precepts and chieftainship are likely to be the result of conlicts because they must ultimately provide viable go- between competing forms of government, rather vernments to their peoples, it possible to point than the necessary consequence of one type of go- to certain recurring themes. Among these are vernment or another. notions of deep and indelible ties between lea- ders and land; leaders’ status rooted in kin groups; precedence within and between groups based to some extent on seniority of descent; dynamic ties Some elements of Micronesian socio- between leaders and the natural and supernatural political organization worlds (often known by some cognate of “mana”); and reciprocal notions that gifts must be given to Traditional social life in Micronesia is characte- leaders for both religious and practical reasons and rized by the region’s dispersed matrilineal clans, that leaders must bestow gifts on their constituents which exist virtually everywhere in the area2. As for similar reasons. here exist everywhere in the I have demonstrated at length in Traditional Mi- region well-developed ideologies of hierarchy cronesian Societies (Petersen, 2009), these seem to or rank, but the behavioral signs of hierarchical have irst taken form on Pohnpei and Kosrae in organization vary greatly, from quasi-egalitarian the eastern Carolines, then difused to the rest of to seemingly authoritarian. In all these societies, the Micronesian islands, probably because of the however, no matter how despotic they seem to adaptive advantages they confer in a region that be, multiple checks and balances are provided is home to the western Paciic’s typhoon spaw- by variant versions of key mythological charters, ning grounds and beset by enso-driven droughts. competition for status within and between kin he dispersed character of the clans means that groups laying claim to chiely positions, rivalries on each Micronesian island or community are for local precedence, and the practical exigencies resident subclans and lineages of multiple clans, of demography, political and martial skills, and and each clan has subclans and lineages planted idiosyncrasies of individual personalities. on multiple islands and communities. Ethnologi- Many foreign political scientists, as well as some cal accounts tend to stress Micronesia’s matriliny members of these societies, argue that the govern- as its key distinction, but it is in fact the dispersed mental institutions comprising chieftainship are nature of these descent groups that is most salient. fundamentally incompatible with the state-or- hese clans and lineages are in classical ethnolo- ganized and more or less democratic political gical terms “conical” in organization and in fact it processes introduced into the islands by foreign the archetypal model of conical clans, developed colonial governments. his perspective seems ab- by Marshall Sahlins (1958, 1968) and reined by surd on its face, since there are not many political Patrick Kirch (1989), even more closely than Po- processes less democratic than the forcible impo- lynesia’s descent groups. he clans, along with the sition of foreign rule, but this contradiction has lineages that constitute them, have multiple func- not kept scholars and bureaucrats from decrying tions and characteristics, but for present purposes the benighted politics of chieftainship as consti- two of these are

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