PHNOM PENH-Final Anna2 Mr.Qxd

PHNOM PENH-Final Anna2 Mr.Qxd

The case of Phnom Penh by Pierre Fallavier With research assistance: Im Peou, Sophal Roda, Svay Ratha, Noun Mountha, and Men Sopheapkerya Contact Source: CIA factbook Pierre Fallavier Department of Urban Studies and Planning, Massachusetts Institute of Technology PO Box 480, Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: +855 012 880 822 Fax:+855 023 720 763 E-mail: [email protected] I INTRODUCTION: THE CITY A. URBAN CONTEXT 1. Overview of Urbanisation in the National Context in Cambodia Cambodia is a predominantly rural society, with access to water distributed by the governmental water 84.3% of its 14 million estimated population living in supply authority, and 33% without access to storm rural areas. The remaining 15.7% urban dwellers live drainage (Fallavier 1999 :56; Slingsby 2000; Squatter predominantly in Phnom Penh, which has an estimated and Urban Poor Federation 1999). population of 1.2 million in 2002 and is about 16 times the size of the second largest city, Battambang. The population in Phnom Penh grows at a faster rate than in 2. History of Phnom Penh the country overall, with an estimated 8% per annum The transformation of Phnom Penh from a bustling made of a 3% in-migration rate and a 5% natural small port of wooden houses into a modern city started increase (see Table 1). in 1865 when it became the new royal capital. It accel- The country has one of the lowest Human erated by 1890, as the French administration intro- Development Index in Asia (a HDI of 0.517 in 2000), duced new concepts to customary land laws: streets as with a life expectancy of 54.4 years, an adult literacy of public spaces that could not be encroached, and land 71.2%, and a yearly gross domestic product per capita as an individual private property, officially registered in of $1,257. Conversely, it scores high on the Human a cadastre. These helped the administration redesign Poverty Index (42.53), with a high level of mortality and the rural city after models of physical planning devel- child malnutrition, and a limited availability of public oped in Paris, for instance uniformly widening streets to services (Ministry of Planning - Cambodia 2000:4-7). 20 meters, and organizing the city around its main Although the HDI is 21% higher in cities than in the administrative buildings. countryside, cities are also where disparities are most Between the two world wars, French urban policies marked. In Phnom Penh low income settlements, indi- aimed to reconstruct and embellish cities in France and cators of health, access to education and living stan- in its colonies, providing social housing and public serv- dards are thus worse than in rural Cambodia with 56% ices to the majority of their inhabitants. As part of this of houses made of bamboo and leaves, only 17.3% with approach, Cambodia adopted the Civil Code in 1920, Urban Slums Reports: The case of Phanom Penh, Cambodia hence strengthening the role of private ownership, and rest of the country, did not make urban development a the official separation between urban and rural spaces. priority. Urban issues came back on a national agenda His removed the principle that one owned land as long only since the end of 1998. as one used it for productive purposes, a basis of customary land ownership for rural Khmers. This 3. Physical Characteristics of Phnom change allowed to organize and finance the develop- Penh ment and modernization of the city, by reclaiming new Phnom Penh was built at the intersection of the territories on wetlands, creating sanitation, railways, Mekong, Tonle Sap and Basac rivers at the end of the and road networks. 14th century with its first structures erected on the bulge After World War II, the French administration started to of the riverside. The city then developed by reclaiming redesign Phnom Penh to the needs of its expected wetlands, surrounding new perimeters by dikes, and industrialization, increasing density in residential areas land-filling these reclaimed compartments. Today, the and preparing a zoning and a master plan for the growth major avenues are still built on these dikes and recall the of the city, but the 1953 independence cut short these growth stages of the city. efforts. From 1956 to 1970, under an independent Its location at the junction of two rivers that represent administration, Phnom Penh then doubled its size. It also major exchange routes is vital for Phnom Penh. The regained some national identity as architects adapted Mekong is a main artery of transportation and commerce the legacies of French schools to Khmer architecture to in Southeast Asia, which links China, Myanmar, Lao, realize large scale projects that redesigned the city: an Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam to the South China Angkorian-style Olympic stadium, a large housing proj- Sea, and the Tonle Sap River irrigates Lake Tonle Sap, ect on concrete stilts in front of the Basac river, a national the largest reservoir of fresh water in Southeast Asia. theatre marrying traditional Khmer style to modern uses, As most of Phnom Penh was established on inun- and a garden-city residential district centred around a dated areas, protecting the city from floods by maintain- new telecommunication tower, symbol of modern ing dikes and pumping stations has always been a major Cambodia (Ministère de la Culture du Cambodge and public concern. Yet, the management of hydraulic infra- Atelier Parisien d’Urbanisme 1997:27-59). structures was almost abandoned between 1972 and The 1970s witnessed the abandonment of Phnom 1990, destroying the city’s drainage and pumping Penh under the Khmer Rouge régime that emptied systems. From the early 1990s, diverse missions from cities of their inhabitants and did not maintain their infra- bilateral development agencies and development banks structures. During the subsequent occupation by have planned the rehabilitation and extension of the Vietnamese authorities from 1978 to 1989, and then water network, but it was only by 1998, with the return of until 1998, the continuing civil conflicts, political instabil- political stability that the city started to address the prob- ity, and relative wealth of Phnom Penh compared to the lem with several projects to improve water supply Photo 1: Squatter settlement along the railroad track, next to Boeng Kok lake, Phnom Penh 2 UNDERSTANDING SLUMS: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements 2003 drainage and sewerage. It has now become a priority of departments, which remain under the control of the the Municipality. ministries for budgeting and staffing. Accordingly, many decisions are made outside the Municipality, and the 4. Demographics of Phnom Penh municipal autonomy depends on the relations between Phnom Penh had a population of one million in 1998, the Vice-Governors and their ministerial counterparts. 94% living in urban areas, and the remainder living in The MPP is thus rather small institutionally: it includes peri-urban districts with semi-rural economies. Out of the Governor, the Vice-Governors, their personal staff this population, a survey by local NGOs estimated in and the staff of the Cabinet, who are mainly support 1999 that 35,000 families – or about 173,000 persons – staff, with little technical expertise. As the MPP cannot lived in low-income settlements. establish its own departments apart from the Cabinet, it Yet, even if a large part of low-income residents are has divided the Cabinet into eight sub-cabinets, each registered with local authorities, up to 20% may have dealing with its allocated sectors. not been counted. They are renters, seasonal migrants, Although the Municipality officially gained financial and people too poor to participate in community saving autonomy in 1998, its budget remains constrained as a schemes. They are typically not counted as members of national law predefines all lines, the Minister of Interior the “communities” whose data the surveys used. must approve the budget, and the National Assembly Counting this missing 20% would add 35,000 “invisible” ratifies it. Besides, the city has little power or incentive poor for a 1999 figure of 207,150. to raise its own revenue: it cannot borrow, and even if it Based on an estimated annual growth of 8%, the collects taxes (e.g., on vacant land or property transfer) 2002 population of Phnom Penh is thus about and income from public utilities, it is under no obligation 1,160,000 persons, with 214,620 urban poor, or 19.7% to balance its budget, and must transfer all collection to of the population (Royal Government of Cambodia the Ministry of Finance. 2000; Slingsby 2000; Squatter and Urban Poor The city is divided into seven Khans (districts). The Federation 1999). Chiefs of Khan report to the Chief of Cabinet. The three Deputy Chiefs of Khan are responsible for administra- tion, socio-economic programs and public works. Under 5. The Economy of Phnom Penh the Khans are Sangkats (wards), which have officers In 1999, 9.9% of the working population worked in responsible for administration and statistics, economic, agriculture, 22.2% in transformation and manufactur- financial, and social affairs, culture, religion and hygiene ing, and 67.9% in services. The unemployment rate (Slingsby 2000). was 12.6% (Royal Government of Cambodia 2000).1 The municipal government aims to develop the leisure and tourism industry in Phnom Penh. As part of II. SLUMS AND POVERTY this approach, it has recently undertaken major projects to beautify the river front and public spaces, and to improve public infrastructure, with roads, drainage, B. DIFFERENT TYPES OF SLUMS IN water supply and water treatment. These projects aim PHNOM PENH to attract new investment while improving urban serv- ices for all. As is later explained, they also have major 1.

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