“REMOVING THE DANGER IN A BUSINESS WAY”: THE HISTORY AND MEMORY OF QUAKERTOWN, DENTON, TEXAS Chelsea Stallings Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS August 2015 Stallings, Chelsea. “Removing the Danger in a Business Way”: The History and Memory of Quakertown, Denton, Texas. Master of Arts (History), August 2015, 125 pp., references, 136 titles. Overall this thesis analyzes a strain of the white supremacist vision in Denton, Texas via a case study of a former middle-class black neighborhood. This former community, Quakertown, was removed by white city officials and leaders in the early 1920s and was replaced with a public city park. Nearly a century later, the story of Quakertown is celebrated in Denton and is remembered through many sites of memory such as a museum, various texts, and several city, county, and state historical markers. Both the history and memory of Quakertown reveal levels of dominating white supremacy in Denton, ranging from harmless to violent. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 focus on the history of Quakertown. I begin chapter 2 by examining as many details as possible that reveal the middle-class nature of the black community and its residents. Several of these details show that Quakertown residents not only possessed plentiful material items, but they also had high levels of societal involvement both within their community as well as around Denton. Despite being a self-sufficient and successful community, Quakertown residents were not immune to the culture of racial fear that existed in Denton, which was common to countless towns and communities across the South during the Jim Crow era. I identify several factors that contributed to this culture of fear on the national level and explore how they were regularly consumed by Denton citizens in the 1910s and 1920s. After establishing Quakertown and the racist society in which it thrived, in chapter 3 I then examine the various sects of what I term the “white coalition,” such as local politicians, prominent citizens, and city clubs and organizations, who came together to construct a reason to remove the black community out of fear because of its proximity to the white women’s college, the College of Industrial Arts. I then look at the steps they took that secured the passage of the bond referendum that would allow them to legally remove the black neighborhood. Chapter 4 largely focuses on the ways in which the white coalition ensured the black community was transferred from Quakertown to its new community on the outskirts of town, Solomon Hill, from 1922-1923. These ways overwhelmingly included outright racial violence or the repeated threat of it. I then briefly describe the quality of Solomon Hill in the years after the relocation. I also summarize how and why the story of Quakertown was lost over time–among both white and black citizens–and conclude with the discovery of a Quakertown artifact in 1989, which initiated the renaissance period of Quakertown’s memory. In chapters 5 and 6 I switch gears and analyze the memory of Quakertown today via sites of memory. I begin by providing a brief historiography of New South memory studies in chapter 5. This review is important before delving into the specifics of the memory of Quakertown, because 1920s Denton was a microcosm of the New South, specifically in terms of race relations and dominating white supremacist ideals. I explore some of the different techniques utilized by memory historians to evaluate how and why the white supremacist vision dominated the southern region during the Jim Crow era; I, in turn, then use those same techniques to reveal how the white supremacist vision in Denton dominated at the same time. In chapter 6 I provide in-depth analysis of the most prominent sites of memory in Denton that, today, are dedicated to the memory of Quakertown. Collective analysis of these sites reveals levels of white exploitation, blatant omissions, and general misuse surrounding the story of the black removal and experience. I conclude my thesis by stressing that although the white vision today is shaped differently than it was during Jim Crow, it nonetheless still exists in Denton today, as evidenced in the treatment of the sites of Quakertown’s memory. Copyright 2015 by Chelsea Stallings ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Much appreciation is extended to all members of my committee, each who have helped me over the years in unique ways. Dr. Wallach, thank you for a level of availability that should make others jealous, and for your general guidance and patience with me. Dr. Moye, thank you for taking a chance on me as an undergraduate and letting me be a part of the Oral History Program, and for your continual references that seem to be propelling me forward in ways I could not have imagined. Dr. Turner, thank you for encouraging me over the years, and for providing a comprehensive list on your syllabi of nearly all major New South publications–There is no way to measure the amount of time I saved by having that guide at my fingertips. I also want to thank the staff at the Denton County Office of History & Culture, one of the best staffs to work with. It was there that the seeds of my interest in Quakertown planted and blossomed. A specific thank you to Peggy Riddle, Kim Cupit, and Joe Duncan for the countless conversations over the years that spurred research ideas and avenues I probably would not have conceived on my own. I would also like to thank the librarians of the Women’s Collection at Texas Woman’s University’s Mary Evelyn Blagg-Huey Library, specifically Bethany Ross for always being gracious and helpful when it seemed like I was asking for the impossible. I must also thank Lauren Rogener and Joel Zabel for incredibly helpful edits that turned an unorganized mess into a cohesive and structured thought process. My biggest thanks go to those whose research paved the way for mine. In particular, the work done by Michelle Glaze, Laura Douglas, Sherelyn Yancey, and Richard Byrd served as a springboard for most of the duration of my research. Without their contributions, this thesis would not have been possible. Finally, this thesis is dedicated to Ross Shreves, a fellow lover of history and learning. iii LIST OF IMAGES Page 2.1 Bird’s eye view of Denton……..………………………………………………………...16 2.2 Sanborn Insurance Map of Quakertown,…….…………………………………………..21 2.3 Ford Crawford’s Grocery Store………………………………………………………….22 2.4 Norvell Hill in Quakertown……………………………………………………………...24 2.5 Bell children.……………………………………………………………………………..25 2.6 Household of Ruth members…………………………………………………………….26 3.1 The Birth of a Nation in Denton…………………………………………………………41 3.2 Francis Marion Bralley…………………………………………………………………..46 3.3 Denton Federation of Women’s Club……………………………………………………53 4.1 Open letter from Quakertown……………………………………………………………59 4.2 KKK in Denton…………………………………………………………………………..65 4.3 Bert Crawford leaving Denton…………………………………………………………...69 4.4 Civic Center Park………………………………………………………………………...70 6.1 Confederate Veteran Reunion……………………………………………………………96 6.2 Educational Rally in Denton……………………………………………………………..97 6.3 Confederate Memorial…………………………………………………………………...99 6.4 Civic Center Park blueprint…………………………………………………………….100 6.5 Fred Douglass Colored School students……………………………………………….101 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..…………………………………………………………...………...iii LIST OF IMAGES……………………………………………………………………………..…iv Chapters 1. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………...8 2. QUAKERTOWN IN 1920s DENTON, TEXAS: RACE RELATIONS IN A JIM CROW SOCIETY……...……………………………………………………...…15 3. RACIAL VIOLENCE AND DENTON’S WHITE POWER STRUCTURE: THE COALITION TO REMOVE QUAKERTOWN…………………………………35 4. WHITE SUPREMACY IN DENTON: REINFORCING BLACK SUBMISSION AND FORGETTING QUAKERTOWN…………………………….…………..57 5. HISTORICAL MEMORY: A BRIEF LITERATURE REVIEW……………….79 6. DENTON’S HISTORICAL MEMORY AND QUAKERTOWN’S SITES OF MEMORY……………………………………………………………………….95 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………….………………120 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………….………………………………123 v INTRODUCTION In 1922 and 1923, city officials in Denton, Texas, dismantled a middle-class black neighborhood in the heart of the city. In the two-year time span, they transferred dozens of homes across the railroad tracks to a newly designated area miles away, not to keep the community intact but to keep the black citizens excluded from the center of town. Espousing southern progressive ideals contemporary to the time, political and social white groups in the North Texas county seat had aligned years earlier to ensure that the forty-year-old black community would be relocated.1 City officials forced black citizens to sell their land to the city and eliminated the neighborhood through a process that is today known as eminent domain. A bill, referred to as the Park Bond Issue, had passed in the spring of 1921 stipulating that the thriving black community called Quakertown be torn down and replaced with a park.2 Quite literally on paper, the white coalition comprised of politicians, their wives, and Denton’s elite residents had argued that the multi-acre section of land Quakertown occupied was the prime location for a public park large enough to also hold the annual county fair.3 As they pointed out, the park and fairgrounds were something they had wanted to construct in the city for years but had never found a suitable location.4 They also contended it would support the growth of the twenty-year old, all-white female College of Industrial Arts just north of the area.5 1 William S. Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), xii. 2 Editorial, Denton Record-Chronicle (DRC), April 4, 1921. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 1 In reality, this final argument was the one white leaders in Denton had recently become obsessed with. It did not matter that Quakertown had existed prior to the college; all that mattered was that white girls, away from home for the first time, were living blocks away from a black neighborhood.