Contextualizing South Indian Pe rf CHAPTER 4 ormance, Socially and Historically 71 Contextualizing South Indian Performance, Socially and Historically 050 WOMEN AND MUSIC: THE DE VADÁS/ AND HER COMMUNITY To begin, a question. When listening to the main piece Kaligiyurife (CD tracks 13-17) did it strike you as significant that the main artist— choosing the repertoire, initiating all the improvisational forms, mak- ing key decisions at every stage about the progress of the concert—is a woman? As recently as seventy years ago, this scenario simply could not have taken place because womens and mens performance tradi- tions were quite distinct at the beginning of the twentieth century. There were many women musicians in South India around 1900— mostly vocalists, some performers of the chordophone vino, and a few FIGURE 4.1 violinists and percussionists. But women who performed Karnatak mu- Replica of bronze statuette (10.8 cm in height), Mohenjo Daro civ- ilization, circa 2500 sic in public were not from all classes of society; they belonged almost B. C. Original in National Museum, Delhi. (Photograph by Matthew Allen) completely to one particular social community. As early as the Cola dy- nasty in South India (ca. ninth through eleventh centuries A.D.), and per- haps much earlier (Figure 4.1), a class of women famous for their mu- for the king and royal family as well. Because of their marriage to god, sic and dance skills was attached in hereditary service to both Hindu they were considered nityasumarigalT, "ever-auspicious" women, be- (literally, servants, dasi, of temples and the royal courts. Called devadasi cause unlike human husbands, gods do not die, so devadasis avoided god, deva), young women of this community were ritually married to the traditionally inauspicious state of widowhood (Kersenboom 1987). the god of a particular Hindu temple. For the more artistically promis- In temple service devadasis had a set of ritual responsibilities only they ing girls, this marriage and their artistic ararigerram, debut, came at the were qualified to perform. Many devadasis were literate, having a level conclusion of a period of training in music and dance. In temple ser- of education that women of higher social status were denied. Devadasis vice they performed both artistic and specifically ritual functions, and lived outside of the institution of human marriage and bore children by particularly accomplished devadasis often performed in the court setting patrons who in many cases were lifelong companions. Many owned 70 72 031, MUSIC IN SOUTH INDIA Contextualizing South Indian Performance, Socially and Historically 73 considerable property and are mentioned in historical sources not only as great dancers and musicians but as authors and philanthropists as well. During the nineteenth century, when the British consolidated their control over India, devadasis were still attached to temples and remain- ing courts throughout the South. They were particularly renowned for their performance of dance in a style called at that time sadir or nautch (an Anglicization of the Sanskrit natya, "drama-dance-music"). In 1799 the British took control of most revenues from the kingdom of Tafijavtir and in 1855, upon the death of Raja Sivaji II without male issue, as- sumed direct rule. This accelerated the decline of the system of pa- tronage that had supported devadasis and other temple service castes since the COla period. By the beginning of the twentieth century, no in- digenous royal house remained to support the temples, which had pro- vided devadasis with housing and food. Many devadasis lost their liveli- hood and homes, some turning to prostitution. Because of this, devadasis were viewed in general as prostitutes by the Victorian-educated Indian middle and upper classes, and their dance was seen as degraded, not fit for respectable company. c'50 The death of the devadasi and the "revival" of her dance in a new social milieu. In a profound early twen- tieth-century social transformation, women of the hereditary community almost completely gave up dance in favor of pro- FIGURE 4.2 Sisters T. Brinda (holding tambara across her lap), T. Muktha, and fessions not tainted by social stigma (performance of vocal mu- T. Abhiramasundari (with violin), 1942. (Courtesy of T. Muktha) sic offered one such outlet). The temple dedication of young women as devadasis was prohibited by law in Tamil Nadu in 1947, ending a social and cultural tradition over a mil- positions and relatively little improvisation except for alapana. Women were known as repositories of kritis lennium old. The devadasis' dance was renamed bharata and also genres from the dance repertoire such as javalis and padams (examples on CD tracks 18 and 22). nacyam (loosely translatable as the "complete theatrical art Concerts by women singers stressed harmonious ensemble performance of India") and repopulated, primarily by women from the rather than the jousting improvisational back-and-forth affiliated with Brahmin community (Allen 1997, Meduri 2001). improvisation and gendered as male musical behavior. Embodying the 050 idea of a close-knit ensemble, sister duets or trios were common. T. Brindas aunts Rajalakshmi and Lakshmiratnam performed in their Womens Public Performance Circa 1900. In the first two decades youth as "Dhanams Daughters," and Brinda herself performed for of the twentieth century, women of clevadasi community background many years with her younger sisters, vocalist T. Muktha and violinist were the only women performing Karnatak music in public. Their per- T. Abhiramasundari (Figure 4.2). formances were distinctly different in form and content from those of Social attitudes of the time discouraged women from performance men. Womens performances featured the presentation of many corn- of improvised music and from mannerisms considered male, such as 7 4 oso MUSIC IN SOUTH INDIA Contextualizing South Indian Pe rformance, Socially and Historically ,>5.0 75 the keeping of talc on the thighs: In the words of Brindas grandmother and proudly self-proclaimed crevadasi, first heard of Muddupalani while Vina Dhanammal, "Women should not be slapping their thighs like reading a commentary on the Tanjavur period of Telugu literature. Her men!" It was also a common perception that womens voices retained interest was piqued by some extracts from the poems, and she began a their naturally sweet character into maturity, while mens became search for Radhika Santwanam that eventually led her to a copy of the "hardened" by strenuous svara singing. original manuscript. After comparing it with the 1887 edition, she de- cided to publish a new edition, restoring all the verses that had been Despite womens par- Loss and Recovery of a Woman's Work. left out. In her introduction to that edition she wrote: "However often ticipation in artistic life from time immemorial, written accounts of I read this book, I feel like reading it all over again. Since this poem, South Indian music and literary history have tended to concentrate on brimming with rasa [flavor, emotion] was not only written by a woman, the contributions of men. When work by or about women musicians, but by one who was born into our community, I felt it necessary to pub- authors, or composers has been published, in some cases it has been de- lish it in its proper form" (in Tharu and Lalita 1991:2-3). liberately altered, in effect erased and suppressed. The life of Muddu- Nagarathnammal brought out her new edition of Muddupalanis palani, a dEvadasi poet at the Tanjavur Court during the reign of Raja poem in 1910 through Vavilla Ramaswami Sastrulu and Sons, one of Pratap Singh (1739-1763), is a striking case in point. Among her Telugu the oldest and most reputable publishers in Chennai. To the amazement her works is an epic poem, Radhika Santwanam, "Appeasing Radha," and consternation of Nagarathnammal and the publishers, several and own telling of a story known to all Indians, the romance of Radha prominent social reformers denounced Muddupalani as an adulteress Krsna. While scholars agree that her work is a sophisticated and pol- and her work as scandalous, leading the British government to seize all ished piece of poetry, something else makes it especially remarkable to copies of the book and ban its publication. All petitions by Nagarath- literary historians Susie Tharu and K. Lalita: nammal and the publishers, including one to have a Telugu-speaking judge review the case, were dismissed. Clandestine copies circulated What strikes us today is Muddupalanis remarkable subversions of until the ban was lifted in 1947, the year of Indias independence, and the received form. Traditionally in such literature, the man is the lover, a new edition was published in 1952. the woman the loved one; Krishna woos and makes love to Radha. Though Radha is invariably portrayed as longing for him, the narra- "Now We Women Have a Platform to Commence Singing"— tive has as its focus his pleasure. Not so in Radhika Santwanam, where the womans sensuality is central. She takes the initiative, and it is her Bangalore Nagarathnammal and the Tyagaraja Festival. The re- satisfaction or pleasure that provides the poetic resolution. With a covery of Muddupalanis work was only one of many philanthropic ac- tivities of Nagarathnammal. In 1921, her warmth unmatched in later poetry, Muddupalani celebrates a young guru Bidaram Krishnappa sent girls coming of age and describes her first experience of sex. .. What her a letter saying how distraught he had been to see the dilapidated makes the work so radical today, if not in its own time, is the easy condition of Tyagarajas shrine on a recent visit to Tiruvaiyaru, and ask- confidence with which it contests the asymmetries of sexual satisfac- ing her to dedicate herself to its renovation. She immediately took the tion commonly accepted even today, and asserts womens claim to train to Tiruvaiyaru and brought her considerable financial resources pleasure.