University of Wisconsin-Superior McNair Scholars Journal, volume 2, 2001 The Captivity Narrative and Its Influence on Maria Kittle and Edgar Huntly Mai Lee Yang, English Stephen Adams, Ph.D. Department of English University of Minnesota Duluth ABSTRACT The captivity narrative emerged as an art form in early America and is essential to the growth of what is considered “American” literature. Puritan ideology and the central role of women in captivities fueled the rise. Because captivities were so widely read, the characterization of Indians became racial stereotypes. These stereotypes were often used to propagate Euro-American desires and beliefs. Captivity narratives impacted all genres of American literature, from domestic and sentimental to frontier and gothic. Ann Eliza Bleecker’s The History of Maria Kittle and Charles Brockden Brown’s Edgar Huntly will be used as examples of how the captivity narrative influenced these works. Introduction The calmness of the morning is shattered by indistinguishable yells, doors crashing down, the smell of smoke, and the sight of dead men on the ground with their heads scalped bare… On a cover of a book stands a muscular Indian warrior caressing the arms of a young blonde woman filled with fear and longing… The Indian princess Pocahontas protects the body of Captain John Smith from an axe… These are some of the conflicting images that have been associated with Indian captivity since Indians and Euro-Americans first made contact. The disparity in these images is due to the Euro-Americans' wavering reaction to the Native Americans. They could be barbaric killers, noble savages, or friends and saviors. These images were so extensively and repeatedly portrayed that they created stereotypes still present today. The Euro-Americans were so obsessed with tales of Indian captivity that 119 The Captivity Narrative and Its Influence on Maria Kittle and Edgar Huntly those who were captured and ransomed became local celebrities. They were encouraged to write down their experiences in hopes that others could learn from their story and to fulfill the public’s fascination with Indians. Captivity narratives were such best-sellers that some "historical" accounts were made up in order to take advantage of the money-making genre. Captivities also appeared in many other art forms and genres of American literature. In this essay, I will briefly explore some of the historical background and the role of women in captivities before analyzing the influence of the captivity narrative on Ann Eliza Bleecker’s The History of Maria Kittle and Charles Brockden Brown’s Edgar Huntly or, Memoirs of a Sleep-walker. Historical Background and Puritan Ideology What exactly is a captivity narrative? Alden T. Vaughan has defined captivity narratives in the most basic sense as those works which “presumably record with some degree of verisimilitude the experiences of non-Indians who were captured by American Indians [...] printed separately in book or pamphlet form” (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 9). Captivity narratives were indeed very popular until the 20th century. A bibliography being compiled at the Edward Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library, the largest single repository of captivity texts, has over 2,000 items and is not yet complete (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 8). As for the popularity of captivity narratives, Mary Rowlandson’s The Sovereignty and Goodness of God (1682) appeared in thirty editions and John Williams’ Redeemed Captive, Returning to Zion (1707) sold over one hundred thousand copies and was still being published as late as 1918 (Namias 9). Captivity narratives also appeared in many other forms. The image of the Indian capturing innocent Euro-Americans, especially woman and children, appeared in poetry, drama, adult fiction, newspapers, trial records, local histories, personal letters, paintings, etchings, cartoons, and woodblocks (Namias 9). The number of captivity narratives implies that there were many captives. How many were really captured? One study names 750 New Englanders who were captured during the French and Indian War alone, and concludes that many more captives are probably unknown (Derounian- Stodola and Levernier 2). Another study by Vaughan and Richter estimates that 1,641 Euro-Americans were captured between 1675 and 1763 (Namias 7). Additionally, one tribe of the Comanches had over 900 to 1,000 Mexican and Anglo captive adoptees in 1850 (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 2). For that to be possible, thousands more must have been captured for this number to still be living with the Comanches; and since 120 University of Wisconsin-Superior McNair Scholars Journal, volume 2, 2001 they are a Western tribe, their contact with Euro-Americans was limited compared to Eastern tribes. Hence, the numbers of captives among Eastern tribes must have been quite considerable. There were four main reasons for capturing Euro-American settlers: revenge, money, adoption, and slavery (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 5). Revenge was the principal motive for taking captives. Indians were angry at the Euro-Americans who trespassed onto their lands and killed them in conflicts over land ownership and use. Angry over the death of family members, the Indians may have killed adult males in ritual ceremonies of death (such as torture). But they treated women and children differently, despite popular Euro-Americans myth. One issue never directly addressed in the captivity narratives is the threat of rape. Most female captives either report they were not molested or are silent. Research has shown that female captives indeed were not usually raped for many Indians practiced sexual abstinence during war. In many cases, captives were adopted and the captive could very well become a member of the offender's family. There is evidence, however, that Western tribes did rape their captives, perhaps in response to Euro-American sexual abuse of Indian women (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 4). The second principal reason for capture was that captives brought in money for the struggling Indians. Mary Rowlandson was exchanged for 20 pounds, the equivalent of a middle class worker's annual income. Towns and cities established trusts for ransoming captives and during the French and Indian War, the French in Canada offered money for captives, creating a market and consequently driving up the price of captives (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 5). Thirdly, the Indians needed to replace their diminishing population and adoption was the quickest way to accomplish it. Young children were the most likely to be adopted because they were easily adaptable. Many young children found the Indian culture preferable and stayed even after they could have left. Over 54% of girls and 30% of boys between the ages of 7 and 15 refused to return (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 6). If a captive was not adopted, she usually became a slave to the Indian who had captured her. Becoming a slave did not mean that they remained so for life; they were usually adopted or ransomed later (Derounian-Stodola and Levernier 8). The reasons for capture and the sheer number does not explain, however, why the captivity narrative was so popular (Lewis 14). Looking at captivity narratives from a postcolonial perspective, we perceive Euro-Americans setting up the Indians as a racial Other. Although captivity narratives were supposedly based on fact, many were exaggerated in order to conform to the structure of a captivity narrative. The Indians are usually portrayed as barbarians who scalp defenseless men, kill babies, and capture innocent white women. Euro-American authors of captivity 121 The Captivity Narrative and Its Influence on Maria Kittle and Edgar Huntly narratives may have hated Indians because of culture shock. Torn from their families, living without shelter, moving quickly through the forests which to them seemed un-navigable, and eating strange new foods traumatized many Euro-Americans. Many of the captivity narratives may be “a response, deflection, or attempt to deny that whites have been captured” (Sewell 40). That is, when the Indians captured Euro-American settlers, they turned the hierarchy upside down. No longer was the captive the one with power, language, and civilization, but one who was subservient to barbarian Indians (Sewall 43). Puritan ideology was also largely responsible for the rise of captivity narratives. Recent research into the Puritan obsession with captivity themes has confirmed that such themes obsessed the Puritans before they immigrated to America. As James Lewis argues, the Puritans could not have invented a new imaginative form (the captivity narrative) without basing it on earlier forms already established (15). The Bible is certainly filled with abundant images and themes of bondage and captivity, but John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress and Michael Wigglesworth's Day of Doom, two very popular Puritan classics, are also about captivity. Most Puritans viewed "the whole of Human existence" as a form of "imprisonment" from which only God could rescue them (Lewis 15). The structure of the captivity narrative (capture, bondage, and ransom) also followed the three stages of conversion (contrition, despair, and salvation). The Puritans then, viewed narratives of Indian captivity as allegories and used them to understand their experiences in the new world (Ramsey 57). Ministers during the later 1600s and into the 1700s regularly preached that the many catastrophes which befell the Euro-American settlers were the result of their sin. As Tara Fitzpatrick summarizes, the ministers often were directly saying, "Repent [...] or you too may find your family seized and torn asunder by savages" (4). It is no marvel, then, that leading Puritan ministers such as Increase and Cotton Mather recorded and advocated the publication of captivity narratives. Because of their beliefs – viewing captivity as a test of faith and redemption – many Puritans believed Indians to be Satan's allies and as such did not hesitate in driving the Indians off their land and killing them in wars (Lewis 16).