SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION n INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOQY H PUBLICATION NO. 9 THE TERENA AND THE CADUVEO OF SOUTHERN MATO GROSSO, BRAZIL by KALERVO OBERG Digitalizado pelo Internet Archive. Disponível na Biblioteca Digital Curt Nimuendaju: http://biblio.etnolinguistica.org/oberg_1949_terena SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 9 THE TERENA AND THE CADUVEO OF SOUTHERN MATO GROSSO, BRAZIL by KALERVO OBERG Prepared in Cooperation tiith the United States Department of State as a Project of the Interdrpartmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PIIINTING OFFICE-WASHINGTON:1949 For Bale by the Superintendent of Documenn, U.^S. Government Printing Office, WaohinBton 25, D. C. • Price 60 c LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL Smithsonian Institution, Institute of Social Anthropology, WashinfftonSS, D. C, May 6, 1948 Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled "The Terena and the Caduveo of Soutliern Mato Grosso, Brazil," by Kalervo Oberg, and to recommend that it be published as Publication Number 9 of the Institute of Social Anthropologj'. Very respectfully yours, George M. Foster, Director. Dr. Alexander Wetmore, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. CONTENTS PAGE The Terena—Continued page Introduction 1 The hfe cycle 38 The Terena 6 Birth (ipuhicoti-hiuki) 38 Terena economy in the Chaco 6 Puberty 39 Habitat 6 Marriage (koyendti) 39 Shelter 8 Burial 40 Clothing and ornaments 9 Collecting, hunting, and fishing 9 Modern changes 41 Agriculture 10 Religion 41 Domestic animals and birds 12 Rehgious beliefs 41 Manufactures 12 Shamanism 43 Raiding 13 Present-day religion 45 Property and inheritance 13 Secular entertainment 47 Organization of labor 13 Dances and games 47 Present-day economy of the Terena 13 General description 13 Football 51 Sources of income in a typical village. 15 Horse racing 51 Life histories 17 The Caduveo 52 An employee of the Indian Post 17 The Mbayd in the eighteenth century 52 18 Farmer Social organization 52 Silversmith 18 Economic life 54 Shopkeeper 18 Life cycle 54 Carter 19 Basket maker 19 Shamanism 55 Stockkeeper 19 The Caduveo today 56 Shoemaker 20 Economy 59 Mason 20 Kinship terminology 60 The village of Bananal 20 Life cycle 62 Clothing and ornaments 23 Myths 63 Agriculture 23 Religion 63 The daily round 26 Dances and games 64 Social organization 27 Caduveo pottery 65 Moieties 27 Pottery forms 66 Social classes 28 66 Law 29 Manufacture Kinship terminology 30 Ceramic decoration 67 Recent changes 32 Bibliography 69 Summary 37 Index 71 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES 15. Jugs and pitchers. 16. Bird-shaped jugs and jar. (All plates at end of book) 17. Cups and bowls. IS. Jars. 19. Pitcher and jug. {Terena) 20. Jugs. 21. Decorated calfskins. 1. Views of Bananal village. 22. Caduveo designs. 2. Cburches. 23. Caduveo designs. 3. Schools. 24. Caduveo designs. 4. House types. 5. Economic life. 6. Terena ph.vsical types. MAPS PAGE 7. Terena physical types. 1. South America, showing area of study vi 8. Dancer and shaman. 2. Part of southern Mato Grosso, showing the loca- 9. Dancers. tion of Terena and Caduveo villages 7 10. The old and the new religion. 3. village of Bananal (P. I. Taunay) 21 11. Sports. The 4. The village of Alvcs de Barros 57 {Cadwveo) CHAETS 12. Scenes on Paraguay River. 31 13. Mode of travel and Caduveo chief. 1. Terena kinship terms 14. Physical types. 2. Caduveo kinship terms 61 Map 1. —South America, showing area of study. The Terena and the Caduveo of Southern Mato Grosso, Brazil By Kalervo Obekg INTRODUCTION This brief monograph has grown out of an sulting from contact. These quotations have been attempt to outline the cultural changes i-esulting translated into English, the writer being respon- from the contact and interaction of two culturally sible for the translations. Admittedly, the early different Indian tribes and their eventual adjust- phases, covering a period of nearly four centuries, ment to the impact of European civilization. It are vague. In fact, direct field methods can reach must be stated at the outset that no continuous back with certainty for only the life span of a record of change can be given. We see the his- mature informant. torical process rather in discontinuous flashes as During some i^eriod in pre-Columbian times, it is revealed to us by writers who observed the life the Terena, as a subtribe of the Arawak-speaking of these two tribes in the past. Even with the Guana, moved southward into the northern Chaco documentary evidence on hand the story of any from the Amazon Basin. From the earliest writ- given period of time is incomplete, for the ob- ten records and from what we know of the Ara- servers did not record all those details of culture wak-speaking peoples in the Amazon Basin, the which we now consider so essential. Yet, with Guana were a relatively peaceful and predomi- all these shortcomings, we do see the general out- nantly agi-icultural people. In the Chaco the lines of development, the major turning points in Guana came into contact with the Guaicurii-speak- the sequence of changes initiated by the outstand- ing Mbaya of which the Caduveo formed a part. ing forces of contact and interaction. It must be The Mbaya were predominantly hunters and ex- added, furthermore, that this monograj^h is con- tremely warlike. In time, the interaction between sidered more in the nature of a preliminary out- the Guana and ]\Ibaya led to a symbiotic relation- line of a project which, it is hoped, will be com- ship based on intermarriage between Mbaya chiefs pleted by the Brazilian students who have partici- and Guana women of chiefly rank, exchange of pated in the work so far. goods, and the rendering of services by the Guana Discussion of the historical literature referring for military protection provided by the ilbaya. to the Terena and Caduveo is not considered neces- In this system of accommodation the Mbaya main- sary here, for this has been ably done by Alfred tained a position of ascendancy owing to their Metraux in Volume 1 of the Smithsonian Institu- militai-y superiority. This seems to have been the tion's Handbook of South American Indians. In existing situation when the Spaniards made con- tracing the early history of these two tribes re- tact with the Guana and Mbaya around the middle course has been made to the ideas and docu- of the sixteenth century. mented evidence set forth in the Handbook. Quo- Although we do not know the exact location of tations from early writers, Spanish, Portuguese, the Guana tribes at this date, we know from the and French, have been used where they refer di- account of Sanchez Labrador that in 1767 they rectly to cultural characteristics or changes re- were settled along the Paraguay River from lati- INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 9 tude 22° to latitude 19° S. Presumably, they were Mbaya chief's privileges were restricted to the im- in this general area when first discovered by the mediate relatives and following of the Guana Spaniards. The Guana at that time consisted of woman and could be exercised only by himself and the following subdivisions: Layana, Niguecac- his close relatives, the purely political aspects of temic, Tereno, Echoaladi, and the Kinikinao the relationship are diminished. The suggestion (Metraux, 1946, vol. 1, pp. 239-240). Estimates made here is that the Mbaya-Guana relationship of the total Guana population vary. At the end was essentially a symbiotic intei'dependence based of the eighteenth century Aguirre and Azara gave on kinship. Certain Mbaya were linked to cer- the total Guana population as 8,200. The Mbaya tain Guana through consanguineal and affinal kin- also claimed this part of the Chaco as their home ship bonds. In this relationship the Mbaya, held but, owing to their nomadic habits, ranged over a a superior position because of the prestige aris- wider territory stretching all the way from the ing from their military power. The Guana, as a present site of Asuncion to where Corumbii now whole, however, maintained their political and stands. Labrador estimated the Mbaya as num- economic autonomy. bering between 7,000 and 8,000. During this Among the Mbaj'a, on the other hand, emphasis period the Mbaya were composed of the following on warfare had alreadj' led to the development subdivisions: Cadiquegodf (Caduveo), Guetiade- of rank based on war honors and the possession godf, Apacachodegodegi, Lichagotegodi, Eyibo- of slaves or war captives. Among the chiefs a godegi, Gotocogegodegl, and Beutuebo (ibid., vol. distinction was made between those who received 1, pp. 217-218). this position through birth and those who re- Early writers, imbued with medieval concep- ceived it through favor. Between these two chiefly tions of political status, claimed to see in this inter- grades and the slaves were the great body of dependence a relationship of lord and serf after the hunters and warriors. Although there is nothing European pattern. This view on tlie basis of their particularly strange in the fact that the warlike own evidence appears exaggerated. A thorough- Mbaya had slaves, there seems to be, however, a going system of social stratification based on functional relationship between the Mbaya desire cultural differences usually implies some degree to capture women and children and the Mbaya of political unity and marked distinctions in status practice of infanticide. and social functions. The Mbaya never achieved The Mbaya custom of abortion and infanticide political unity as a tribe nor did they exercise has been stressed by many writers. The Caduveo organized authority over the Guana as a whole. today explain these practices by saying that a To the end of the Mbaya remained organized on a mother is forbidden to have sexual intercourse "band" basis.