Summary of The Shock Doctrine, by Naomi Klein. Allen Lane / Penguin Books, 2007 The original book has 467 pages plus 70 pages of notes, in which the author mentions the sources for all her statements. Many of these sources are written records that became available to the public after 25 years. Summary by G.Goverde ([email protected]), December 2007, with consent by the author’s assistant. The summary is almost one tenth of the book, 44 pages Introduction Part 1 ch 1-2 Two doctor Shocks (Psychiatrist Ewen Cameron / The CIA, and Milton Friedman) Part 2 ch 3-5 The first test (the Southern Cone of Latin America) Part 3 ch 6-8 Surviving Democracy (Thatcher, Jeffrey Sachs in Bolivia, World Bank and IMF) Part 4 ch 9-13 Lost in Transition (Poland, China, South Africa, Russia, Washington, Asia) Part 5 ch 14-15 Shocking Times (Rumsfeld-Cheney-Bush, 9/11, the U.S., a corporatist state) Part 6 ch 16-18 Iraq, full circle (Erasing Iraq ) Part 7 ch 19-21 The Movable Green Zone (Tsunami; New Orleans; Israel) Conclusion PART 1: TWO DOCTOR SHOCKS Dr Ewen Cameron and Milton Friedman Introduction In September 2005 Naomi Klein is at the Red Cross shelter in Baton Rouge where dinner is being doled out to evacuees from New Orleans after hurricane Katrina. The news running around the shelter that day is that Richard Baker, a prominent Republican congressman from Baton Rouge had told a group of lobbyists: ‘We finally cleaned up public housing in New Orleans. We couldn’t do it, but God did’. And one of New Orleans wealthiest developers had said: ‘I think we have a clean sheet to start again. And with that clean sheet we have some very big opportunities’. Lobbyists are working hard in the county offices at Baton Rouge for lower taxes, fewer regulations, cheaper workers and the replacement of public housing by condos. Over at the shelter people lining up for food are indignant. One of those who saw opportunities in the floodwaters of new Orleans was Milton Friedman, grand guru of the movement for unfettered capitalism. Though ninety-three years old he still found the strength to write an article for the Wall Street Journal. ’Most of the New Orleans schools are in ruins. This is a tragedy. It is also an opportunity’. His idea was that instead of rebuilding and improving the new Orleans existing public school system, the government should provide families with vouchers which they could spend at private institutions, many run at a profit, that would be subsidized by the state. Right-wing think tanks seized on his proposal and George W. Bush backed up the plans to convert the schools into ‘charter schools’ with tens of millions of dollars. Within nineteen months it was almost completed. Before the hurricane the School Board had run 123 public schools, now just 4. Before the storm there were 7 charter schools, now there were 31. The teachers’ union’s contract had been shredded and its 4700 members had all been fired. Some of the younger teachers were rehired by the charters at reduced salaries. Klein calls orchestrated raids like this on the public sphere ‘disaster capitalism’. The suggestion to privatise the New Orleans schools was one of Friedman’s last policy recommendations – he died less than a year later. He was the most influential economist of the past half century. He and his followers had been perfecting the ‘disaster capitalism’ strategy for three decades: wait for a major crisis, then sell off pieces of the state to private players while citizens are still reeling form the shock, then quickly make the ‘reforms’ permanent. In one of his most influential essays Friedman observed that ‘only a crisis – actual or perceived – produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes the politically inevitable’. He estimated that ‘a new administration had some six to nine months in which to achieve major changes…..’ A variation on Machiavelli‘s advice that injuries should be inflicted ‘all at once’. Friedman first learned how to exploit a large-scale shock or crisis in the mid-seventies, when he acted as adviser to the Chilean dictator, General Augusto Pinochet. It became known as the ‘Chicago School’ revolution, since so many of Pinochet’s economists had studied under Friedman at the university of Chicago. Friedman coined a phrase for this painful tactic: ’economic shock treatment’. Pinochet facilitated the adjustment with his own shock treatments performed in the regime’s many torture cells. The formula re- emerged thirty years later, with far greater violence, in Iraq Klein started researching the free market’s dependence on the power of shock in 2004, travelling to Baghdad and later after the tsunami to Sri Lanka. ‘….out of this great tragedy will come a world class tourism destination’ the Sri Lankan government announced. By the time Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans and Republican politicians started talking about ‘clean slates’ and exciting opportunities, it was clear to Klein that this was now the preferred method of advancing corporate goals. She concluded there was a fundamental change in the drive to ‘liberate’ markets. She had witnessed business-friendly policies imposed through arm- 1 twisting at WTO summits, or as conditions attached to IMF loans. The three trademark demands – privatisation, government deregulation and deep cuts to social spending – were unpopular with citizens, but when the agreements were signed there was still at least the pretext of mutual consent. Now the same ideological program was being imposed under foreign military occupation or immediately following a natural disaster. As she dug deeper into the history of how this market model had swept the globe, however, she discovered that the ideas of exploiting crisis and disaster had been the modus operandi of Milton Friedman’s movement from the very beginning. Some of the most infamous human rights violations were in fact committed or actively harnessed to prepare the ground for the introduction of radical free-market ‘reforms’. Terror in Chile, the shock of the Tiananmen Square massacre in China in 1989, Boris Yeltsin’s decision to send in tanks to set fire to the parliament buildings in 1993, the Falklands War in 1982, the Nato attack on Belgrade in 1999: they all served similar purposes. Economics was by no means the sole motivator for these wars, but in each case a major collective shock was exploited to prepare the ground for economic shock therapy. The traumatic episodes that have served this ‘softening-up’ purpose have not always been overtly violent. In Latin America and Africa in the eighties it was a debt crisis that forced countries to be ‘privatized or die’, as one former IMF official put it. In Asia it was the financial crisis of 1997-8. There have also been cases in which the adoption of the free-market policies has taken place democratically – the U. S. under Ronald Reagan being the best example. In these democratic circumstances however free- market crusaders came up against public pressure and were forced to temper and modify their radical plans. The bottom line is that authoritarian conditions are required for the implementation of Friedman’s true vision. Certainly Reagan had made headway, but the U.S. retained a welfare system, social security and public schools, where parents clung, in Friedman’s words, to their ‘irrational attachment to a socialist system’. But in 2001 that changed. When the September 11 attacks hit, the white House was packed with Friedman’s disciples, including his friend Donald Rumsfeld. The Bush team seized the moment with chilling speed. An ideology hatched in American universities and fortified in Washington institutions finally had its chance to come home. The Bush administration not only launched the ‘War on Terror’ but also ensured that it is an almost completely for-profit venture, a booming new industry that has breathed new life into the faltering U.S. economy. This new industry is the ‘disaster capitalism complex’. The ultimate goal for the corporations at the center of the complex is to bring the model of for-profit government into the ordinary and day-to-day functioning of the state – in effect, to privatise the government. To kick-start the disaster capitalism complex the Bush administration outsourced, with no public debate, many of the most sensitive and core functions for government – from providing health care, to soldiers, to interrogating prisoners. to gathering and ‘data-mining’ information on all of us. In 2003 the U.S. government handed out 3,512 contracts to companies to perform security functions; in the twenty-two month period ending in August 2006, the Department of homeland Security had issued more than 115,000 such contracts. And that’s just the home front; the real money is in fighting wars abroad. Thanks to the model of for-profit warfare the U.S. army goes to war with Burger king and Pizza Hut in tow. And then there is humanitarian relief and reconstruction. ‘With resource scarcity and climate change providing a steadily increasing flow of new disasters, responding to emergencies is simply too hot an emerging market to be left to the non-profits.’ Why should Unicef rebuild schools when it can be done by Bechtel? Why deploy UN peacekeepers to Darfur when private security companies like Blackwater are looking for new clients? And that is the post-September 11 difference: before, wars and disasters provided opportunities for a narrow sector of the economy, but now wars and disaster responses are so fully privatised that they are themselves the new market.