PUBLIC SECTOR TRADE UNION RESPONSE TO CHANGE IN SOUTH AFRICA A CASE STUDY OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUNICIPAL WORKERS UNION (SAMWU) IN THE WESTERN CAPE (1992-97) >£ Lesley Catchpowle A thesis submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Greenwich for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2002 ABSTRACT The thesis explores the relationship between the public sector trade unions and the government in South Africa from 1992-7. The research is located in debates concerning the ANC government's endorsement of the 'free-market1 economy in the post apartheid period. The Marxist method of historical materialism is used to explain the changing relationship between the state and the trade unions To expound these issues, a single case study of the Cape Town branch of the municipal union - SAMWU - is examined. The case served several functions, it illustrated the nature of apartheid, it took account of the government's introduction of privatisation in the public sector, and simultaneously provided a vehicle for the development of the theory of the state and its inter-relationship with the trade unions. The questions that arose from the case were linked to whether SAMWU would engage in conflict or conciliation to stop privatisation in the public sector, and whether the state would be free to respond favourably to labour's actions and demands. A number of key findings were established relating to these areas. With regard to the state, the materialist analysis developed by the 'state derivation' theorists provided a useful tool, but for reasons outlined in the dissertation, neglected the basic structural dependence on capitalism. The theoretical conclusion of the thesis: was the state was not independent of capitalism, that it - along with business and labour - was ultimately bound up with the relations of capital. However, as an integral part of capitalism, the state was also affected by the 'contradictions' or potential conflict found within the exploitative relations between capital and labour. Consequently, in order to control any serious challenge from labour to the system - arising as a result of the 'contradictions' within capitalism - the South African state had chosen to engage in conciliation with the trade unions, with the aim of minimising any overall threat or resistance to the existing system. As to whether SAMWU would engage in this conciliation, or choose resistance to stop privatisation, the answer was viewed as related to the union members' levels of class consciousness, and the policies and organisation of their union. The class and collective consciousness of SAMWU members was seen as inherently tied up with issues of race - in particular their 'coloured' identity. The thesis conceptualised apartheid and race as a function of capitalism. It concluded that the continuing use made of the 'coloured' identity in the region, to disguise economic inequality, had the potential to negate against the members' collective ability to resist privatisation. With regard to the acceptance of conciliation, although no clear answers were immediately forthcoming by 1997, it was possible to deduce that formalisation and partnerships had, at this stage, done little to prevent free market practices from being introduced in the workplace. Finally, although the thesis was unable to conclude in 1997, that SAMWU would ultimately resort to industrial action to stop privatisation, the re-organisation of the union to remain rooted in rank-and-file activity, the campaigns and protests against privatisation, plus the declared intention of the leaders and membership during interviews to take strike action, all seemed to indicate this would be the case. in Acknowledgements I would like to dedicate this thesis to my Father, Ken, who unfortunately died before my PhD. was completed. As a good socialist and class fighter I think he would have approved of the sentiments contained within the work. I would like to thank my supervisors Prof. Jan Druker and Fred Lindop. I will be sorry to see Fred leave, he has been of great support not just as a supervisor, but as a comrade and fellow trade unionists. Equally sad is Jan's departure from Greenwich University, she leaves behind her a culture of research which simply would not have existed without her extraordinary determination and perseverance. My thanks also go to Prof. Chris Cooper, who has always been a true friend and first- rate comrade. Cheers for all your support. Special thanks go to Prof. John Stanworth, I really (really) appreciate all your help and guidance. I also must not forget Dr (and Reader) Celia Stanworth, a big thank you for being patient and listening as I talked endlessly about my thesis (I'll try and stop now). Obviously I'm really grateful to my lovely family, my Mother, Betty (l.'ve been so proud of her this last year), my brother Tony, Julie and baby Jack (now he has arrived), Susan, Doug and Ben. My friends also warrant special mention, Anne, Pat, Josie, Kay (and family), Mark, Sally, Karen, Dee, Jordan, Lou, Hayley, Julia, Judith, Lynne, Phil, Paul, Kathy, Trevor, Jessie, Alan, Rachael, Mike, Andy, Sam, and finally Andrew for his support and guidance on the theory of the state (without his help I would never have discovered the state derivation theorists). I really mustn't forget all my friends in Natfhe, especially Bridget Leach, who was tremendously supportive, not only in relieving me of union work, but also taking time to read and comment on my PhD. Finally, a thank you to all the South Africans I met. Extra special big thanks must be extended to a true friend, great comrade, and for ever a Zulu Warrior, Bongani Ngwenya. SAMWU activists - Hennie , Roger Ronnie, Lance Veolte and Victor IV Mhronga - also merit a special mention, with particular appreciation being extended to Victor, who since our last meeting has tragically died. For me his words and actions embodied the spirit and resistance of South Africa, and continues to give hope and empowerment to oppressed people every where - Amandla! CONTENTS Page Abstract iii Acknowledgments iv List of Appendices x List of Tables xi List of Figures xiii List of Maps xiv Acronyms and abbreviations xv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY 1 1.2 THE CASE STUDY 1 1.3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 2 1.4 QUESTIONS TO ADDRESS 3 1.5 STRUCTURE OF THESIS 3 CHAPTER 2: SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT 5 2.1 INTRODUCTION 5 2.2 THE ORIGINS OF SEGREGATION IN SOUTH AFRICA 5 2.3 SEGREGATION 1920-1940s 6 2.4 CONSOLIDATION OF THE APARTHEID STATE 1948-1960s 8 2.5 APARTHEID IN THE 1970s 11 2.6 APARTHEID IN THE 1980S 13 2.7 THE 1990s: TRANSITION TO THE POST-APARTHEID STATE 22 2.8 1994 ELECTION: THE NEED FOR CHANGE 33 2.9 CONCLUSION 36 CHAPTERS: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 38 3.1 INTRODUCTION 38 3.2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: HISTORICAL MATERIALISM 39 3.3 THE STATE 41 3.3.1 State derivation debate 41 3.3.2 Application to South African State 48 3.4 TRADE UNIONS 53 3.4.1 Civil Society and class consciousness 53 3.4.2 Trade unions actions 56 3.4.3 Conflict: strikes 58 3.4.4 Corporatist experiments 61 3.5 CONCLUSION 66 VI CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH AND METHODLOGY 70 4.1 INTRODUCTION 70 4.2 THE CASE STUDY 70 4.2.1 Limitations of case studies as research tools 73 4.3 DATA COLLECTION 74 4.3.1 Secondary data 75 4.3.2 Primary data 80 4.4 SUMMARY 86 CASE STUDY OF SAMWU IN THE WESTERN CAPE (1992-7):- PRESENTATION AND DISCUSSION OF RESEARCH FINDINGS 87 INTRODUCTION 88 PART 1 - SAMWU IN THE WESTERN CAPE (1992-4) 90 INTRODUCTION 90 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE CAPE-TOWN BRANCH: 1992-4 90 STRUCTURE OF PART 1 93 CHAPTER 5: THE ECONOMIC AND WORKPLACE ENVIRONMENT OF THE SAMWU WORKER IN THE WESTERN CAPE 95 5.3 INTRODUCTION 95 5.2 THE LOCATION OF SAMWU IN THE WESTERN CAPE 95 5.3 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILES 100 5.4 THE CAPE TOWN CITY COUNCIL (CCC) 115 5.5 CONCLUSION 129 CHAPTER 6: THE HISTORY AND GROWTH OF THE CAPE TOWN BRANCH 132 6.1 INTRODUCTION 132 6.2 CAPE TOWN MUNICIPAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION (CTMWA) 132 6.3 BUILDING A NATIONAL UNION 136 6.4 DEVELOPMENT OF SAMWU'S CAPE TOWN BRANCH (1987-1990) 139 6.5 CONCLUSION 141 CHAPTER 7: TRADE UNION INTERNAL STRUCTURE AND ORGANISATION 143 7.1 INTRODUCTION 143 7.2 GROWTH AND MEMBERSHIP 143 7.3 INTERNAL STRUCTURE AND DEMOCRACY 145 7.4 SERVICING THE MEMBERSHIP 151 7.5 CHANGES 1992-4 154 7.6 SUMMARY 156 VII CHAPTERS: UNION ACTIVITIES AND STRUGGLES 158 8.1 INTRODUCTION 158 8.2 FORMAL ACTIVITIES 159 8.3 CHANGES IN WORK ORGANISATION: PRIVATISATION DEREGULATION AND COMMERCIALISATION 164 8.4 CONFLICTUAL ACTIVITIES 172 8.5 SUMMARY 179 CHAPTER 9: ANALYSIS: 1992-4 PERIOD REVIEWED 181 9.1 INTRODUCTION 181 9.2 COLOURED1 IDENTITY 181 9.3 THE CAPE TOWN BRANCH 182 9.4 RELATIONSHIP TO THE ANC 186 CHAPTER 10: SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT : BACKGROUND TO THE 1995- 1997 PERIOD 188 10.1 INTRODUCTION 188 10.2 THE STATE 189 10.3 THE POST-APARTHEID PUBLIC SECTOR 193 10.4 THE TRADE UNIONS 196 10.5 CONCLUSION 202 PART 2 - SAMWU IN THE WESTERN CAPE 1995-7 204 INTRODUCTION 205 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES 205 STRUCTURE OF PART 2 208 CHAPTER 11: THE CHANGING ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND WORKPLACE ENVIRONMENT OF THE SAMWU IN THE WESTERN CAPE 210 11.1 INTRODUCTION 210 11.2 THE CHANGING ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL LOCATION OF SAMWU IN THE WESTERN CAPE 210 11.3 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE 213 11.4 POLITICAL CONTROL AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE WESTERN CAPE 222 11.5 THE CAPE CITY OF CAPE TOWN (CCC) 227 11.6 CONCLUSION 239 CHAPTER 12 : TRADE UNION STRUCTURE AND ORGANISATION (1995-7) 242 12.1 INTRODUCTION 242 12.2 GROWTH AND MEMBERSHIP 242 12.3 STRUCTURE AND DEMOCRACY 248 12.4.