The Cost of Defection: the Consequences of Quitting Al-Shabaab

The Cost of Defection: the Consequences of Quitting Al-Shabaab

The Cost of Defection: The Consequences of Quitting Al-Shabaab Christian Taylor Warzone Initiatives, Redding; School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax [email protected] Tanner Semmelrock School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax [email protected] Alexandra McDermott School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax [email protected] Vol. 13/2019 The IJCV provides a forum for scientific exchange and public dissemination of up-to-date scien- tific knowledge on conflict and violence. The IJCV is independent, peer reviewed, open access, and included in the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) as well as other rele- vant databases (e.g., SCOPUS, EBSCO, ProQuest, DNB). The topics on which we concentrate—conflict and violence—have always been central to various disciplines. Consequently, the journal encompasses contributions from a wide range of disciplines, including criminology, economics, education, ethnology, his- tory, political science, psychology, social anthropology, sociology, the study of reli- gions, and urban studies. All articles are gathered in yearly volumes, identified by a DOI with article-wise pagi- nation. For more information please visit www.ijcv.org Suggested Citation: APA: Taylor, C., Semmelrock, T., McDermott, A. (2019). The Cost of Defection: The Consequences of Quitting Al-Shabaab, 2019. International Journal of Conflict and Vio- lence, 13, 1-13. doi: 10.4119/UNIBI/ijcv.657 Harvard: Taylor, Christian, Semmelrock, Tanner, McDermott, Alexandra. 2019. The Cost of Defection: The Consequences of Quitting Al-Shabaab, 2019. International Jour- nal of Conflict and Violence 13: 1-13. doi: 10.4119/UNIBI/ijcv.657 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution—NoDerivatives License. ISSN: 1864–1385 IJCV: Vol. 13/2019 Taylor, Semmelrock, McDermott:: The Cost of Defection: The Consequences of Quiitt:ing Al-Shabaab 1 The Cost of Defection: The Consequences of Quitting Al-Shabaab Christian Taylor Warzone Initiatives, Redding; School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax Tanner Semmelrock School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax Alexandra McDermott School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax Abstract: This study investigates defections from the Al-Shabaab insurgency in Somalia. Thirty-two disengaged Al- Shabaab combatants were interviewed about their motivations, grievances, needs, and challenges in relation to the recruitment, defection, and post-defection phases. This paper focuses on post-defection challenges, where we found the primary concern to be lack of personal security. Without adequate security, disengaged combatants are vulnerable to being hunted and killed by Al-Shabaab. This significant threat discourages further mass and in - dividual defections. We also found that disengaged combatants joined and defected out of religious zeal, to fight for what they believed to be a holy Islamic cause. This same zeal led them to defect, as they came to believe Al- Shabaab was not obeying the true Islamic faith. Indiscriminate killing by Al-Shabaab disenchants its religiously pious members, creating an opportunity to encourage mass and individual defections. However, if disengaged combatants are not protected from retribution, defection will lose its appeal. Keywords: defection; ex-combatant; Al-Shabaab; violent extremism; disarmament, demobilization, and reintegra- tion (DDR) Acknowledgement: We would like to thank Warzone Initiatives for funding our field research, Dr. Douglas Irvin-Erickson and the Genocide Prevention Program’s Writing and Research Working Group, Solutions for Humanity and the Baidoa Ministry of DDR for facilitating meetings and research in Somalia, and Dr. Patricia Maulden for commenting on a draft. On Saturday, October 14, 2017, a vehicle-borne im- in Somalia (AMISOM), and international partners provized explosive device (VBIED) detonated in Mo- such as the United States and British governments gadishu, Somalia, killing over 350 people (Burke 2017). and militaries, Al-Shabaab still maintains territorial This was the largest such attack in Somalia’s conflict- control, governance capabilities, funding streams, and ridden history. Although Al-Shabaab did not claim re- operational capacity as it demonstrated in that inci- sponsibility, they are likely to have carried out the at- dent. Military force has not succeeded in eliminating tack (Burke 2017), demonstrating the reach and im- it. In fact, the “Saturday attack” was a direct result of pact the armed group still has. Despite concerted ef- Al-Shabaab escalation in response to increased mili- forts by the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), tary actions against them, having vowed in early 2017 Somali National Army (SNA), African Union Mission “to increase its attacks after both the Trump adminis- IJCV: Vol. 13/2019 Taylor, Semmelrock, McDermott:: The Cost of Defection: The Consequences of Quiitt:ing Al-Shabaab 2 tration and Somalia’s recently elected president an- Shabaab living at the DRR center in the government- nounced fresh military efforts against the group” controlled town of Baidoa in the Bay region of Soma- (Burke 2017). Al-Shabaab cannot be eradicated by mil- lia. Directly outside of Baidoa is Al-Shabaab con- itary force. Alternative means must be sought, stud- trolled territory, and Al-Shabaab has undercover oper- ied, and implemented to end this civil conflict. Under- ators inside the town. The DRR center was located on standing, promoting, and supporting individual defec- a cordoned-off street along with the AMISOM base tion from Al-Shabaab is a viable process to sustain- (after the research was conducted, the center was re- ably reduce the insurgency. located), and had AMISOM personnel guarding the Defection is touted as a leading alternative to de- fortified compound. If the disengaged combatants re- grade Al-Shabaab by the FGS (Shaban 2017), the US mained in the center they were safe from Al-Shabaab, government (Trofimov 2018), and international orga- but if they left to visit family, reintegrate back into nizations such as AMISOM, United Nations, and In- their home community, or start a business, their per- ternational Organization of Migration (IOM) (AMI- sonal security became vulnerable. SOM 2017). Policy, programs, and resources are di- The DRR center, run in coordination by the Bay rected towards supporting defection, rehabilitation, Ministry for DRR and IOM, operates a four-month re- and reintegration of disengaged Al-Shabaab combat- habilitation and training program consisting of reli- ants. At the time of writing there were Disarmament, gious and ideological re-education, trauma counsel- Rehabilitation, and Reintegration (DRR) centers in ing, and technical training in electrical work, masonry, Baidoa, Kismayo, Mogadishu, and Beledweyne, all un- carpentry, and mechanics. Completing the rehabilita- der the umbrella of the Somali National Program for tion program entitles recipients to receive a $1,500 the Treatment and Handling of Disengagement Com- grant toward materials to start a business. The exis- batants. Although there are no confirmed figures, So- tence, design, and implementation of this DRR pro- mali government officials estimate two thousand dis- gram is commendable. The program is implemented engaged Al-Shabaab combatants have gone through at the state level (South West), with limited economic some form of DRR program in Somalia (Febab-Brown and operational support from the federal government. 2018, 14). In Inside Rebellion Weinstein describes the chal- In this article we use the term DRR as a substitute lenges insurgents face: “Rebel groups face a series of for the internationally recognizable term Disarma- challenges in civil war that threaten the organiza- ment, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR). The tional structures they have built and may necessitate ministry overseeing the Baidoa center is titled the Bay changing strategies in response. These challenges in- Ministry for Disarmament, Rehabilitation, and Reinte- clude the need to recover from battlefield losses, man- gration (DRR). We suspect the term rehabilitation is age success, respond to changing endowments, and used instead of demobilization because the program is react to new government counterinsurgency strate- aimed at rehabilitating individual disengaged combat- gies” (2006, 295). As Al-Shabaab members face in- ants of Al-Shabaab rather than a mass group demobi- creasing risk to life, the less invested members will opt lization agenda. out of the insurgency (8–9). It is in the interest of Al- This study explores why individuals join and defect Shabaab to do whatever necessary to dissuade mem- from Al-Shabaab and what challenges they face post- bers from defecting, including hunting down and defection. Understanding Al-Shabaab member pro- killing defectors as a deterrent. As Kalyvas points out, files, motivations, grievances, challenges, and more, is violence is used by Al-Shabaab as a “communicative crucial for developing strategies to promote sustain- function with a clear deterrent dimension” (2006, 26). able defection. Sustainability is imperative: life must The primary goal of Al-Shabaab violence against de- be better for those who leave Al-Shabaab than for fectors is to create fear in its members to deter defec- those who remain. As of now this is not the case for tion (29). those at the Baidoa center. In

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