Excerpt • Temple University Press Introduction The Crises Facing Newspapers Newspapers have been frequently portrayed as dinosaurs on the verge of extinction. [M]any people assume they will be unable to compete with new forms of elec- tronic media and therefore will eventually die out. That assumption, however, underestimates the adaptability of newspapers and their importance in both contemporary and future societies. (Fidler 1997, 251) edia scholar Roger Fidler’s assessment of the future of newspapers, in his seminal book, Mediamorphosis (1997), Mis still true more than twenty years later. Despite com- petition from the Internet and steep recessionary declines in revenue, U.S. newspapers have survived and are slowly adapting to new technologies and multiplatform content delivery. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, they still provide the majority of the country’s original reporting compared to online news sources (Barthel 2016; Brüggemann et al. 2016; Schizer 2011; Associated Press 2010; Pew 2010; Fritz 2010). Nonetheless, newspapers are struggling as they face both a financial crisis due to decades of annually declining advertis- ing revenue and decreasing circulation numbers and an identity 2 \ IntroductionExcerpt • Temple University Press crisis as they continue to slowly transition from print-only to multiplatform and multimedia content delivery. Significantly, within the newspaper industry, metro dailies, with their high operating costs, have been hit hardest (Barthel 2015a, 2015b, 2016; Doctor 2015a). At the heart of the newspaper crisis is a flawed business model that relies on advertising rather than subscriptions or other forms of revenue (Barthel 2015b, 2016; Brady 2016; Doctor 2015a; Phillips 2014; Ryfe 2012). Because of the annual decreases in advertising revenue, especially the steep declines precipitated by the recession of 2007, many newspapers have been attempting to decrease their dependence on advertis- ing and obtain more of their revenue from subscriptions and from non-news sources (Pew 2018). The identity crisis facing newspapers involves adapting from text-based newsroom practices to multimedia practices that include video, audio, and still photography. These responsibili- ties are often expected of news staffs without the adequate train- ing necessary for proficiency in visual journalism or increased salaries to compensate for greater workloads (Brüggemann et al. 2016; Ekdale et al. 2015; Phillips 2014; Lee-Wright, Phillips, and Witschge 2011; Witschge and Nygren 2009). Significant- ly, this identity crisis is evident in a clash between traditional print journalism’s formality and emphasis on detail and digital journalism’s informality and brevity. The values and practices of print and online journalism also reflect this disparity. Tra- ditional print journalism emphasizes a full vetting of sources before publishing a story, journalistic detachment, professional photojournalistic storytelling, and reporters as the authoritative voices of their newspapers. In contrast, digital journalism typi- cally challenges these practices by emphasizing breaking news, using iterative reporting (or reporting in short posts as a story is developing), encouraging the personal involvement of jour- nalists with their audiences, and inviting readers to contribute comments, stories, and photographs (Phillips 2014; Lee-Wright, Phillips, and Witschge 2011; Witschge and Nygren 2009). Traditionally, print journalism has emphasized journalistic autonomy from government and commercial influences and the Excerpt • Temple UniversityThe Crises Facing Press Newspapers / 3 maintenance of separate roles for reporters and photojournalists under the protection of newspaper guilds as well as autonomy in news practices that includes resistance to corporate quotas for daily story and multimedia postings. In contrast, digital jour- nalism reflects a different perspective on journalistic autonomy, often equating it with spatial independence from the newsroom, and some Digital-First operations hire nonunion backpack jour- nalists who are required to not only report from the field but also produce photos and videos (Phillips 2014; Shister 2010). Reporters in these positions often face quotas for daily online postings. Overall, despite the fact that newspapers have survived and many are still marginally profitable, the debate persists about whether or not the crises are so severe that newspapers are dying. This debate has intensified since the recession of 2007, which substantially accelerated annual declines in advertising and circulation. The losses also forced many newspapers to close or eliminate their print editions and become digital-only pub- lications (Edge 2014a; Waldman 2011). One of the most widely publicized narratives about the death of newspapers was issued in 2011 by the University of Southern California’s Annenberg Center for the Digital Future, which predicted that most print newspapers would be gone by 2016, leaving only four major daily newspapers: the New York Times, USA Today, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal (Romero 2011; Sonderman 2011). Although in 2019 this prediction was far from material- izing, newspapers are in crisis nonetheless (Brüggemann et al. 2016; Barthel 2016; Doctor 2016a; Edmonds 2016c; Chyi 2013; Edge 2014a, 2014b). Former USA Today columnist and former editor of the American Journalism Review Rem Rieder agreed with the assessment that newspapers are not necessarily on the verge of extinction and that many are still profitable. They are still here. Battered, beleaguered, but still here. Which is hardly to say that they aren’t endangered. The advent of the digital age has thoroughly disrupted the 4 \ IntroductionExcerpt • Temple University Press industry, dramatically shrinking ad revenue and making the days of eye-popping profits a distant memory. The newspaper business is in a desperate struggle to reinvent itself for the digital world. (2016a) While the industry’s financial crisis has typically been attrib- uted to technological change (the Internet and digitization) and the recession of 2007–2009, some argue that newspaper manage- ment missteps should not be neglected. Stephen Lacy, Michael Stamm, and Hugh Martin contend that cost-containment poli- cies are major factors that are often overlooked in accounts of the crisis. Their research showed that “managerial short-run deci- sions from 1985–2005 contributed greatly to the current crisis” (Lacy, Stamm, and Martin 2014, 6). These decisions included “creating clusters of commonly owned newspapers, eliminating high-cost circulation at the edges of local markets and cutting newsroom costs by reducing newsroom staffs. All of these mea- sures resulted in declining circulation and market penetration” (Lacy, Stamm, and Martin 2014, 7). Generally, staff reductions have been implemented through layoffs, buyouts, and attrition. In fact, according to a 2016 Pew Research report, in the past twenty years, “the newspaper work- force has shrunk by about 20,000 positions, or 39%” (Barthel 2016). In 2018, Pew reported that between 2007 and 2017 newspa- per newsrooms had shrunk by almost half, or 45 percent (Grieco 2018). Some particularly drastic cuts included the New Orleans Times-Picayune, which in 2012 lost nearly one-third its news- room staff, and the Cleveland Plain Dealer, which in 2013 lost nearly one-third of its news staff, as detailed in Chapter 3 of this volume (Edge 2014a, 2014b; Clark 2013; White 2012). Lacy and his colleagues noted that several studies indicated the connection between divestment in print operations and declines in circula- tion (Lacy, Stamm, and Martin 2014). Nonetheless, despite criti- cism from analysts and scholars on the pressure of newsroom reductions on surviving staffs, many managers continue to ratio- nalize the cutbacks by contending their staffs can “do more with Excerpt • Temple UniversityThe Crises Facing Press Newspapers / 5 less” and still deliver quality content in print and 24/7 online (Reinardy 2016; Rieder 2014). Refuting this contention is Scott Reinardy’s powerful ethno- graphic study, Journalism’s Lost Generation, which presents an inside perspective on how increased workloads and the acceler- ated pace of the 24/7 news cycle have affected news staffs. Rei- nardy’s research clearly documents the destruction of newsroom morale and the widespread burnout of newspapers’ “most valu- able resources”—their staffs (2016, 101). Similarly, Tales from the Great Disruption: Insights and Les- sons from Journalism’s Technological Transformation, by Michael Shapiro, Anna Hiatt, and Mike Hoyt, details the diminished aspects of newspapers (Shapiro, Hiatt, and Hoyt 2015). They con- tend that short-term efforts such as periodic layoffs are obstacles to producing quality content and incorporating innovation into news practices and that this basically amounts to “eating your seed corn” (Shapiro, Hiatt, and Hoyt 2015, 199). The Digital-First Debate Media scholars Iris Chyi and Ori Tenenboim have also criticized many newspaper owners and executives for adopting the “Digital- First” (or reverse publication) approach that prioritizes and invests in online platforms at the expense of print (Chyi and Tenen- boim 2017; Doctor 2015b). In this essay and in Chyi’s 2013 book, Trial and Error, owners and managers are criticized for ignor- ing scholarly research and relying on the advice of consultants such as Harvard professor Clayton Christensen. Christensen’s disruptive innovation theory is the basis for the