Custodians of the Creed A Comparative Study on the Level of Religiosity among First- and Second-Wave Iraqi- Shi’a Muslims in an American Community by John Francis Cappucci A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2014 John Francis Cappucci Abstract The dissertation compares the level of religiosity among first-wave (1991-2002) and second-wave (2003-2011) Iraqi-Shi’a Muslims residing in greater Dearborn, Michigan. In order to accomplish this task, it is necessary to first provide a detailed historical survey that explores the Iraqi Shi’as’ resilience in overcoming centuries of precarious challenges to their religious and ethnic identity. This survey begins with the struggles the Iraqi Shi’a faced in their native homeland followed by their mixed experience in America. The historical research is complemented with empirical data collected by interviewing fifty members of the Iraqi-Shi’a community or twenty-five from each wave. The interview results reveal that the first wave appears slightly more religious than the second. This overarching observed pattern will be analyzed in light of Will Kymlicka’s multiculturalism model, Robert E. Park’s race relations cycle, Charles Glock, Benjamin Ringer, and Earl Babbie’s comfort hypothesis, and Alejandro Portes and Min Zhou’s segmented assimilation theory. The two waves espouse a moderate, but nonetheless traditional approach to their religion that is almost completely devoid of any controversial ritualistic practices or radical belief systems. ii Acknowledgements The place of primacy within this list of acknowledgements is accorded to Melissa Haussman for her exemplary role as dissertation supervisor. There is no doubt in my mind that this dissertation would not have been completed without her insightful criticism, affable attitude, and constant encouragement over these past few years. This dissertation has been enriched by the sagacious guidance provided by Farhang Rajaee, Gopika Solanki, Geoffrey Kellow, Peter Beyer, Laura Macdonald, Randall Germain, Fiona Robinson, William Cross, Anna Kim, and Diana Greene. Also, Leslie Macdonald-Hicks has been a paragon of patience in answering a litany of questions regarding research ethics. I am privileged to have befriended Marissa Reaume, a dedicated teacher, convivial officemate, published novelist, and dear friend. Despite her busy schedule, Marissa kindly proofread the entire dissertation. Her comments coupled with her enduring support over the years have significantly enhanced this work. I am also grateful to Francesca Scalzo for copyediting the penultimate version of this dissertation before depositing. Francesca’s expertise and experience has clearly strengthened this dissertation. I have also been blessed to have been surrounded by an array of gregarious, supportive, and inspiring individuals, including Roy Amore, Marisa Bonasso, Vertha Coligan, Alida DeMarco, Marlene Edmondson, Robyn Heaton, Mark Keedwell, Catherine Kenney, Larry Kulisek, Peter Larock, Richard Lewis, Penny Linton, Bob Orr, Katherine Quinsey, the late Howard Richardson, Valerie Scatamburlo-D’Annibale, Mary Lou Shafer, and Nej Yilmaz. This study has been fortunate enough to have a tireless team of supporters during the field research phase, including Shereef Akeel, Eid Alawan, Hanadi Bazzi, Victor Begg, Samah Hachem, Ali Hassan, Najwa al-Jawad, Gregg Krupa, Jean Krystyniak, Ani Sarkissian, Amny Shuraydi, Wafa Shuraydi, Michael Stamm, Abdilkhalik Thabit, Lara Wasner, Alia Zeidan, and Geri Zeldes. I would like to express my gratitude to the many research participants who kindly volunteered their time. Their generous nature is greatly appreciated. Finally, I wish to acknowledge my family and friends for their enduring support over the course of my scholastic career. iii Dedication This work is dedicated in its entirety to my late grandfather Giovanni Cappucci and late great-grandmother Antonietta Silvestri. In Paradisum Deducant Te Angeli iv Table of Contents Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Dedication iv Table of Contents v List of Appendices vi Chapter One 1-60 Chapter Two 61-98 Chapter Three 99-151 Chapter Four 152-188 Chapter Five 189-232 Chapter Six 233-253 Bibliography 254-280 Appendices 281-306 v List of Appendices Appendix A: Iraqi Immigration to America Appendix B: Letter of Information Appendix C: Call for Participants Poster Appendix D: Informed Consent Form Appendix E: Gift Certificate Receipt Appendix F: Questionnaire Appendix G: Wave One Designations and Demographics Appendix H: Wave Two Designations and Demographics Appendix I: Prayers Appendix J: Religious Texts Appendix K: Ashura Rituals Appendix L: Pilgrimages Appendix M: Maraji al-Taqlid Appendix N: Mosque Choice Appendix O: Mosque Attendance Appendix P: Donations Appendix Q: Imam and Questions Appendix R: Discrimination Appendix S: Attire Appendix T: Marriage Appendix U: Mut’ah Appendix V: Dietary Laws vi Chapter One: Introduction Introduction This dissertation seeks to compare religiosity among first-wave (1991-2002) and second-wave (2003-2011) Iraqi-Shi’a Muslims residing in greater Dearborn, Michigan. This comparison prompts a central question that guides the rest of the dissertation. This dissertation seeks to determine the differences, if any, in religiosity between first and second-wave Iraqi-Shi’a Muslims living in the greater Dearborn area. This main question requires the operationalization of the term religiosity. The late Ronald Johnstone, a distinguished scholar of the sociology of religion at Central Michigan University and administrator at Ball State University, defines religiosity as the “intensity and consistency of a person’s practice of their religion.”1 The researcher finds this definition attractive because it manages to encompass both the practical or ritualistic side of one’s religious heritage and the more theological or spiritual side, instead of focusing on just one of the two. With this definition, the researcher can conclude that religiosity is the “degree” to which one believes in religious doctrines, observes traditions, and performs various rituals and the “frequency” with which one participates in religious services, prayer, and religious ceremonies. This operationalized definition builds on Johnstone’s definition of religiosity as the “intensity” and “consistency” of one’s religious beliefs and practices.2 These two concepts of religiosity will be measured against the two different possible constructions of American society, namely as a multicultural society or an assimilationist one. Will Kymlicka’s Theory of Multiculturalism 1 In addition to the concept of religiosity, this dissertation revolves around the notion of multiculturalism and whether religious minorities can maintain their religiosity in multicultural societies. At the outset, the dissertation requires an understanding of multiculturalism and how it relates to liberal-democratic societies, such as the United States. The political theorist and one of the West’s leading scholars of multiculturalism and liberalism, Will Kymlicka explains that multiculturalism is “a response by ethnocultural groups to the demands that the state imposes on them in its efforts to promote integration.”3 Kymlicka’s interpretation of multiculturalism stresses the idea of encouraging integration.4 However, for Kymlicka, integration is specific as it emphasizes the importance of the immigrant’s ethnic heritage.5 Kymlicka explains that in a multicultural society “immigrants will visibly and proudly express their ethnic identity.”6 In turn, the multicultural society will employ various egalitarian policies in order “to accommodate these ethnic identities.”7 In some multicultural societies, Kymlicka identifies federalism or a power-sharing arrangement between the national government and the minority group as a way of “recognizing claims to self-government.”8 However, this type of state structure appears to be designed in cases “where national minorities are regionally concentrated.”9 In other words, this type of state structure would not apply to immigrant minorities such as the Iraqi Shi’a because they do not seek self-governance from the United States. Therefore, integration for immigrant minorities like the Iraqi- Shi’a must come from another type of state structure or conceptualization. Kymlicka’s understanding of ethnic integration is intrinsically tied to the view of a “societal culture.”10 He defines “societal culture” as “a territorially concentrated culture centred on a shared language that is used in a wide range of societal institutions, 2 including schools, media, law, the economy, and government.”11 This definition of “societal culture” may initially give the impression that immigrants are required to assimilate within their host society’s “societal culture.” However, this is not the case, as Kymlicka clarifies that it is possible for a society to have multiple “societal cultures.”12 In Canada, there are two “societal cultures” namely those expressed by English and French Canada.13 Conversely, the United States attempts to integrate immigrants into one, grand “common societal culture.”14 This policy naturally influences several different facets of the immigrant’s life in America.15 This dissertation accepts the differences in “societal cultures” between Canada and the United States as described by Kymlicka. Since Canada provides the immigrant with a choice