Georg Stöber Religious Identities Provoked: The Gilgit ‘Textbook Controversy’ and its Conflictual Context1 Abstract Textbooks, and the curricula on which they are based, are often used to foster specific identities that might not be the identity of a substantial part of the population. If they meet with pre-existing strife, even textbooks can provoke violent outbreaks, which can only be understood in the context of the underlying conflict. This article will analyse one example, putting it in the context of textbook politics in South Asia. In Gilgit (Northern Areas of Pakistan), protests against presentations of religious practices in school textbooks resulted in riots and deaths in 2004 as well as in the closure of schools for one year. Even if this specific issue seemed to have been solved in May 2005, tension continued. The population of this region is religiously heterogeneous (despite being Muslim). Developments in the Islamic World elsewhere (Iran, Afghanistan) deepened the divide. The region experienced ‘sectarian clashes’ for quite some time, the authorities being unable or unwilling to control them. This regional case is linked to the general (not only educational) policies of Pakistan, especially to the promotion of “the ideology of Pakistan”. Despite meeting with some criticism, this concept is not only used to demarcate the Pakistani “self” from the (especially Indian) “other”, but also to do away with internal differences. However, the attempt at homogenisation is counterproductive where it can be interpreted as being directed against specific group identities and interests. On Thursday, June 3, 2004, “one person was killed and several were injured when Shia protestors clashed with security forces in Gilgit city”.2 As the correspondent wrote, the army had imposed a curfew and “was called out in Gilgit to maintain law and order” in expectation of demonstrations. Nevertheless, they were unable to prevent attacks on police stations, administrative buildings etc.3 In other parts 1 A first version of the paper was presented at the workshop on “Divergent Pasts: History in School Textbooks in South Asia”, organised by the South Asian Studies Programme, National University of Singapore, February 15–16, 2007. My thanks go to the organisers and to the participants for discussion. Also, I am grateful to Prof. Martin Sökefeld for his comments on the paper. 2 Ibrahim Shahid, “Curfew imposed as one killed, several hurt in Gilgit riots”, The Daily Times, 3 June, 2004. 3 The source mentions the police training centre, the deputy commissioner’s office, the VIP resthouse and the Northern Areas Legislative Council Hall as well as police stations in other places (Safdar Khan, Internationale Schulbuchforschung 29 (2007) S. 389–411 389 Hannover 2007 · Verlag Hahnsche Buchhandlung · ISSN 0172-8237 #1168_07_Zeitschrift_4_07.indb 389 23.11.2007 10:27:51 Uhr of the area, people were likewise on the road. Over the following days, protests continued and the unrest also spread to Baltistan. The cause of the violent outbreak: school textbooks – or more precisely some representations that Shi’ite inhabitants regarded as discriminatory and directed against their faith. The following article will deal with the cause of the conflict, its course, and will try to outline its contexts on the regional as well as national level, which, however, cannot be understood without reference to its international geopolitical background. Cause and course The conflict surrounding textbooks and curricula was not new, but had some his- tory, starting in 2000. As early as July 2003, one year before the outbreak, Mo- hammad Shehzad described the controversy as “simmering for three years” and “a sectarian time bomb” and listed in an article4 the eighteen points that were under criticism. Criticised were statements and images in Islamiyat (Islamic Studies) textbooks, but Urdu, Arabic, History and Social Studies textbooks were affected as well, sixteen books altogether. These books were prescribed to be used in the schools of the Northern Areas. Summarising the points, the Shi’ites received the impression that in the prescribed Islamiyat studies as well as in other books, Is- lamic practices (such as prayers) were presented in a strictly Sunnite way. That their practices differ was not accepted. Moreover, the approach to Islamic history was a purely Sunnite one. Only sayings of the Prophet (hadith) accepted by the Sunna were mentioned. Persons were described and valued according to the Sun- nite tradition. Shi’ite personalities were left aside or not referred to in due form.5 “Curfew in Gilgit: protester killed”, Dawn, 4 June 2004). 4 Mohammad Shehzad, “Textbook controversy in Gilgit”, The Friday Times (Lahore), 4–10 July, 2003. Under the headline “Gilgit sitting atop a ticking bomb”, the Indian paper The Daily Excelsior (Jam- mu – 8 July 2003) took over the story. 5 The list, which also names the sources, runs: “i. The incident of wahee (revelation) has been described in a ridiculous manner that shows the Prophet himself was not sure about his prophet-hood. […] ii. Abraham’s father Azar has been described as worshipper of idols. […] iii. The Prophet has [sic] said to have missed his prayer during the battle of Khandaq. […] iv. The Prophet’s wife Ayesha has been projected as superior to all other women of the Prophet’s family through fake ahadiz. […] v. The Sunni caliphs have been presented as Khulfa-e Rashideen unopposed by Shias. (The Shia do not recognize the first three caliphs as Khulfa-e Rashideen). […] vi. The Caliphs (that are not recognized by Shias) have been eulogized through titles such as Siddique-wa-Amirul Momineen (the first Caliph Hazrat Abu Bakar Siddique) and Farooq-wa-Amirul Momineed (the Second Caliph Hazrat Umar Farooq) Shia claim such titles are only for Hazrat Ali (the Fourth Caliph). […] vii. The Sunni Caliphs have been glorified through special chapters that pay them a rich tribute. No such tribute has been paid to the Shia Caliphs. […] viii. It is a fabricated statement that the Prophet asked the First Caliph to lead the prayer when he (the Prophet) was ill. […] ix. The contribution and sacrifices of Hazrat Ali have been faded out deliberately. x. Yazid has been totally exonerated from Karbala and the entire blame has been shifted to Ibn-e-Ziyad. […] xi. Khalid bin Walid has been praised more compared to Hazrat Ali. It is untrue that the Prophet had bestowed him (Walid) the title of Saif Ullah. […] xii. Sunni procedure of ablution has been featured in Islamiat, […] xiii. The addition of prayer is better than sleep. […] xiv. Sunni procedure of prayer is features. […] xv. A picture that depicts Sunni style of saying prayer. […] xvi. Such sayings of Prophet have been quoted that have been told by the Sunni historians. xvii. The Islamiat of the 12th grade promotes the Sunni school of thought. xviii. Prophet’s uncle Hazrat Abu Talib 390 #1168_07_Zeitschrift_4_07.indb 390 23.11.2007 10:27:51 Uhr The authors of the criticised books that were published by the Punjab Textbook Board were said to be Sunnites of the Deobandi school (see below). The leading figure on the side of the Shi’ites was Agha Ziauddin (Zia ud-Din) Rizvi, the Imam of Gilgit’s Imamiya Mosque. He and other representatives of the Shi’a community of the Northern Areas seem to have passed their criticism to the authorities, demanding a redesign of the books. A demand of a separate Islamiyat curriculum for the Shi’ites, however, was controversial even among their commu- nity leaders, as it was thought by some of them to create more dissent. For three years, some exchange of positions, talks or even negotiations seem to have taken place with the Ministry of Education and Northern Areas authorities – without any result.6 As a report of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (2005:24) mentions, “the issue of reviewing and correcting the Punjab Text Book Board was negotiated continuously for several years with several Federal Ministers and Chief Executives including Mr. Abbas Sarfaraz7, Nisar Memon8 and Aftab Sherpao9, but despite the assurances given by them, they did nothing to resolve this issue.” Thus, positions hardened and the Shi’ites felt compelled to raise the pressure. Students started to boycott classes by staging protest rallies instead. In the attempt to close down an army-run school, the protest became violent and many were injured. When the Shi’ite clerics started to propagate a “full-scale protest”, members of the Northern Areas Legislative Council intervened. The Shi’a leaders were assured “that the issue was under active consideration of the government” and the strike was called off. In the Ministry of Education, a revision of the Islamiyat syllabus seems to have been considered.10 Time passed without the issue being resolved. On August 15, riots broke out in Skardu (the second town in the region and capital of Baltistan).11 Violent protests shook Skardu a few days later again. Shi’ites (the Shi’ite organisation Anjuman-e Imamia) set September 1 as a deadline for the government to meet their demands. The administration closed the schools in Skardu and Gilgit and asked for help from the federal government “to deal with unruly mobs”.12 Students who had intended has been described as non-Muslim. […]” (Mohammad Shehzad, “Textbook controversy in Gilgit”, The Friday Times (Lahore) 4–10 July, 2003). 6 In 2001, however, a solution seems to have almost been found. The then Deputy Chief Executive of Gilgit, Muhammad Ali Shehzad, a Shi’ite himself, is said to have permitted Shi’ites to use other books. But this led to violent opposition by extremist Sunnites (Raman 2001), and during the course of the year the office holder was replaced with Haji Fida Muhammad Nashad from the Pakistan Muslim League (PML).