REGIONALISM AND THE ALLIED DEBATE ON POSTWAR WORLD AND EUROPEAN ORGANIZATION, 1940-1945 A Dissertation Presented by PETER GYALLAY-PAP for the Graduate School of The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY September 1990 Department of International Relations UMI Number: U044479 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U044479 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Th£s £S F 's '* ■ I,. V - % > 67^/ >;<a \0ia^3A-S ABSTRACT During World War II, regionalism was upheld by theorists and practitioners of international relations as a needed modification or alternative to the sovereign state and international system of political organization. Aspects of regionalism relating in particular to security matters were eventually incorporated into the United Nations Charter in 1945. This study draws together ideas and historical data on regionalism and the war-time search for postwar world and European order. Part One of the study identifies three theories, or proto-theories, of regionalism and postwar order — interstate, hegemonial, and autochthonous — based on the degree to which state sovereignty was subordinated to regional criteria. These theories help elucidate the allied debate on regionalism and postwar order. Part Two examines the debate on the future world organization by the three major powers — the United States, Great Britain, Soviet Union — as well as, at the 1945 San Francisco United Nations Conference on International Organization, among the smaller allied countries. Part Three helps unravel the allied debate on regionalism and the future structure of Europe, including the attempt by eastern European govern- ments-in-exile to form one or more regional federations in that part of Europe. It also discusses the role of nonstate actors. The study concludes with an assessment of regionalism as a concept and principle that alters the classical, state-centric understanding of international relations. CONTENTS Abbreviations ...................................... 5 INTRODUCTION I. Regionalism and Postwar Order: Statement of Problem and Approach............................ 7 PART ONE Theories of Regionalism and Postwar Order Introduction ....................................... 35 II. Interstate Regionalism ............................ 39 III. Hegemonial Regionalism ............................ 68 IV. Authochthonous Regionalism ....................... 98 PART TWO Regionalism and Postwar World Organization Introduction ...................................... 143 V. Regionalism and Postwar World Order Planning Among the Major Powers, 1940-1943 .................. 146 VI. The Debate Among the Major Powers at the Inter-Allied Conferences, 1943-1945 .............. 185 VII. Regionalism and the Smaller Allied States at the San Francisco Conference, Spring 1945 ............. 221 PART THREE Regionalism and Postwar European Organization Introduction ....................................... 256 VIII.The Major Powers and the Question of an All- European Regional Settlement ...................... 261 IX. The Regional Reorganization of Central and Eastern Europe ..................................... 306 CONCLUSION X. Regionalism, Postwar Order, and International Relations .......................... 356 Bibliography ...................................... 368 ABBREVIATIONS BBCMS British Broadcasting Corporation Monitoring Service, Written Archives Centre, Reading, Caversham, England CAM Private papers of C.A. Macartney, St. Antony's College Library Archives, Oxford, England Charter Charter of the United Nations: Commentary and Documents, eds. Leland M. Goodrich and Edvard Hambro. Boston: World Peace Foundation, 1946 Churchill Churchill, Winston S. The Second World War, 6 vols. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1949-53. v.2: The Finest Hour (1949); v.3: The Grand Alliance (1950); v.4: The Hinge of Fate (1950) FRUS U.S. Department of State. Foreign Relations of the United States. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1953 Lipgens I Walter Lipgens, ed., Documents on the History of European Integration, vol. 1: Continental Plans for European Union 1939-1945. Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1985 Lipgens II Walter Lipgens, ed., Documents on the History of European Integration, vol. 2: Plans for European Union in Great Britain and in Exile 1939-1945. Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1986 NA U.S. National Archives, Washington, D.C. - State Department Record Group (RG) 59 Postwar [Notter, Harley A.]. Post-War Foreign Policy Planning. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1949 PRO Public Record Office, Kew Gardens, England - Foreign Office Lot 371 (FO 371); Prime Minister's War Cabinet Lot 3 (PREM 3) Woodward Llewellyn Woodward, ed., British Foreign Policy in the Second World War, 5 vols. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1970-76. INTRODUCTION REGIONALISM AND POSTWAR ORDER: STATEMENT OF PROBLEM AND APPROACH Society is older, better, and ultimately stronger than the State. Herder, late 18th c. For when we plan a reconstruction of the life of Europe, we tend to think of ourselves as planners and architects, facing the rubble heap that was once an edifice; and in doing so we fail to see ourselves as part of the problem. John Macmurray, 1943 Regionalism Can Mean More Efficient Sales Volume, if its Principles are Rightly Applied. Western Advertising. December 1937 (CHAPTER I) Unlike during "the war to end to all wars,” World War II was marked by considerable allied activity in the cause of research and planning for the postwar peace. A second general war within a generation seemed to underline the precariousness of the established order. Theorists and practitioners of international relations were confronted with an international system in crisis for having again failed to maintain the peace. The paralysis of the League of Nations in the face of national imperialisms, external or internal, prompted a search for alternative forms of political organization. The crisis, when coupled with the mandate to uproot an Axis order that had redrawn the European and Asian political maps and the need for extensive postwar reconstruction, provided the allies with an opportunity and challenge to consider changes in the pre-war international system. Was the pre-war League of Nations model of sovereign states within a loose universal organization to be resurrected, reformed, or cast aside altogether for another postwar peace structure? What were the theoretical flaws of the prewar structure? On what principles should a new structure be based? In particular, 7 how was Europe, the crucible o£ both the international system of sovereign states and the two world wars, to be politically organized? The Soviet proletarian experiment hypothetically represented a historical alternative to the pre-war "bourgeois" order. At a time during World War I when western statesmen were conceiving national states out of the fallen aristocratic empires in central and eastern Europe, Lenin and Trotsky were calling for a socialist "United States of Europe" and multinational world federation where the state itself would wither away. As it happened, the choice during World War II among the Big Three — the United States, Great Britain, Soviet Union — between bourgeois and proletarian internationalism never became an issue. Soviet Russia had effectively returned to the international community of nations in 1933, the year Hitler came into power, and conducted its foreign relations on "liberal-bourgeois" terms. (That the Soviet postwar capture of the eastern European states and the subsequent Asian communist revolutions introduced an era of communist international relations is not of concern here.). Rather, this study seeks to demonstrate that the most serious and plausible allied alternative for restructuring Europe and the postwar world was regionalism. Together with the smaller allied countries, the three major powers sought or were obliged to grapple with various forms of regionalism as a promise and/or threat to a peacable postwar settlement. Regionalism in international political organization was largely perceived in terms of combining usually contiguous states for limited or general purposes in political, military, economic, social, and/or cultural spheres. Whether in the form of a regional alliance, confederation, federation, or just mere cooperation, regionalism was viewed, significantly, as an intermediary level of organization between the sovereign state and a universal organization. Its advocates saw multistate regions as islands of peace that constituted building blocks for a general structure of peace. They argued that the region corresponded more closely than the sovereign state to the growing, interdependent security and economic needs of states and peoples living in propinquity. It was a more intelligible form of political organization than sovereign states pursuing autarchic and nationalistic