T’OUNG PAO The QinghuaT’oung Pao “Jinteng” 102-4-5 (2016) Manuscript 291-320 www.brill.com/tpao 291 International Journal of Chinese Studies/Revue Internationale de Sinologie Inhoud The Qinghua “Jinteng” Manuscript: What It Does Not Tell Us About the Duke of Zhou 291 Religious and Other Experiences of Daoist Priestesses in Tang China 321 An Ambivalent Historian: Ouyang Xiu and His New Histories 358 Debating what Lü Dongbin Practiced: Why did the Yuan Daoist Miao Shanshi Denounce the Zhong-Lü Texts? 407 Buddhist Tales of Lü Dongbin 448 Constructing a Playful Space: Eight-Legged Essays on Xixiang ji and Pipa ji 503 India in the Chinese Imagination: Myth, Religion, and Thought. Edited by John Kieschnick and Meir Shahar. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 2014, 352 p. 547 From Warhorses to Ploughshares: The Later Tang Reign of Emperor Mingzong. By Richard L. Davis. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Univ. Press, 2015. 224 p. 552 The Beginning of the Subtle School of Taoism 一切道經音義妙門由起: An Official Perception of Taoism in the Early T’ang Period. (Deutsche Morgenländische Ge sell­­schaft, Abhandlungen fūr Kunde des Morgenlandes Band 94.) By Florian C. Reiter. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014. viii + 127 pp. 556 Returning to Zhu Xi: Emerging Patterns within the Supreme Polarity. By David Jones and Jinli He (eds.). Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 2015, xiii + 357 pp. 562 The Chinese Market Economy, 1000-1500. By William Guanglin Liu. Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 2015. xviii + 374 pp. 566 Livres Reçus / Books Received 571 Contents to Volume 102 (2016) 575 The Qinghua “Jinteng” Manuscript: What it Does Not Tell Us about the Duke of Zhou Magnus Ribbing Gren (Princeton University) Abstract This study suggests that the so-called “Jinteng” manuscript held by Qinghua University should be read independently of its received counterpart. When read on its own terms, the manuscript provides a straightforward account of rituals surrounding the Duke of Zhou’s ascension to the throne after the demise of King Wu. As such it represents a continuation of King Wu’s abdication in favor of his meritorious brother, as recorded in the Yi Zhou shu. Read in this light, the fourth century BCE manuscript provides further evidence for the prominence of abdication doctrines during the Warring States period, an intellectual tradition that was deemed subversive in the early empire and became gradually obliterated over the course of the Qin-Han dynasties. Résumé Cet article propose de lire le manuscrit dit “Jinteng” conservé à l’université Qinghua indépendamment des textes reçus qui lui correspondent. Considéré par lui-même, le manuscrit offre une relation claire des rituels ayant entouré l’accession au trône du duc de Zhou après la mort du roi Wu. De ce fait, il représente le prolongement de l’abdication du roi Wu en faveur de son vertueux frère telle qu’elle est relatée dans le Yi Zhou shu. Considéré sous cet angle, ce manuscrit du IVe siècle avant notre ère offre de nouveaux arguments en faveur de l’importance des doctrines sur l’abdication à l’époque des Royaumes Combattants, alors que cette tradition intellectuelle était considérée comme subversive au début de l’empire et qu’elle est progressivement tombée dans l’oubli sous les Qin et les Han. * A first draft of this paper was presented at the “Oxford-Princeton Research Collaboration” conference on the Shangshu, “The Classic of Documents and the Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy,” Princeton, May 17-18, 2013. ©T’oung Koninklijke Pao 102-4-5 Brill NV, (2016) Leiden, 291-320 2016 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10245P01 ISSN 0082-5433 (print version) ISSN 1568-5322 (online version) TPAODownloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 05:03:01PM via free access 292 Ribbing Gren Keywords Early China, Manuscripts, Tsinghua University, Qinghua University, Duke of Zhou, Shangshu, “Jinteng,” Abdication The Duke of Zhou and the “Jinteng” Chapter The “Jinteng” 金縢 (“Metal-bound Coffer”) chapter in the received ver- sion of the Shangshu 尚書 offers a narrative that in its general outlines is straightforward and unambiguous. It begins with the statement that King Wu of Zhou 周武王 had fallen ill soon after the conquest of the Shang dynasty. His brother, the Duke of Zhou 周公, made a prayer to their family ancestors in which he offered to sacrifice his own life in ex- change for that of King Wu, who was needed to ensure the stability of the newly established royal house. The Duke of Zhou then prognosti- cated with tortoise shells, and receiving a favorable response he felt at ease knowing that King Wu would suffer no harm. The documents re- lated to his prayer were secretly stored away in a metal-bound coffer. When King Wu eventually did die, suspicions were raised regarding the intentions of the Duke of Zhou toward his nephew, the young successor King Cheng 成王. As a result of various events both human and natural, the details of which have been subject to some disagreement among commentators, the metal-bound coffer was opened and the Duke of Zhou’s act of self-sacrifice was made public, immediately eliminating all suspicions of his loyalty and moral character. Although modern historians generally consider it an authentic pre- Qin text, the provenance and accuracy of the “Jinteng” chapter has been questioned by numerous historical figures, including Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033-1107) and Yuan Mei 袁枚 (1716-1797).1 Yuan Mei in particular listed several reasons showing that the “Jinteng” chapter made little sense in relation to other accounts of the Duke’s life. The recent discovery of a bamboo manuscript bearing what appears to be a ca. 300 BC version of 1) Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao 程顥, “Henan Chengshi yishu” 河南程氏遺書, in Er Cheng ji 二 程集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 290; Yuan Mei, Xiaocang shanfang shiwen ji 小倉山房 詩文集 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988), 22.1622-26. T’oung Pao 102-4-5 (2016) 291-320 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 05:03:01PM via free access The Qinghua “Jinteng” Manuscript 293 the “Jinteng” chapter, however, has led some scholars to conclude that such doubt is unwarranted.2 Liu Guozhong, for example, wrote: Now the reappearance of the Qinghua bamboo manuscript “Jinteng” has substan- tiated the fact that “Jinteng” was a chapter in the pre-Qin Shangshu, and the de- bate over its authenticity has naturally been resolved. 现在清华简《金縢》的重新面世，证实了《金縢》确实是先秦《尚书》中的一 篇，对于该篇真伪的争论自然也就不辩自明了。 3 But while the manuscript is similar enough to received versions of the story, including those of the Shangshu and the Shiji 史記, it also differs from these versions in significant ways. The present study deals with those differences and suggests a reading of the “Jinteng” manuscript that does not base itself on presuppositions introduced by the received versions. To begin with, passages in other early Chinese texts that relate the story of the Duke of Zhou and his relationship with King Wu and King Cheng do not provide a coherent and unambiguous account of the events described in the “Jinteng” or of their significance. Wang Chong’s 王充 (27-97) Lunheng 論衡 is the earliest text to explicitly recognize the divide in opinions over the interpretation of the Duke of Zhou’s rela- tionship to the throne. Wang Chong wrote: The “Jinteng” says: “In the autumn the grain flourished, but before it had been reaped there were great lightning and thunderstorms in Heaven. The grain was all bent down, and all the large trees uprooted. The men of the state were greatly hor- rified.” At this time the Duke of Zhou died. Learned men theorized that [the natu- ral calamities] were due to King Cheng being hesitant with regard to the Duke of Zhou, because if he were to bury the Duke according to the rituals of a Son of Heaven, [it could be inappropriate since] the Duke had been another’s minister, but if he were to bury the Duke according to the rituals of a minister, [it could be inappropriate since] the Duke had the achievement [of a ruler]. While the King 2) It should be pointed out that this is an unprovenienced manuscript, acquired on the Hong Kong antiquity market. For a discussion of the ethical aspect of studying such Chinese manuscripts, see Paul R. Goldin, “Heng Xian and the Problem of Studying Looted Artifacts,” Dao 12.2 (2013): 153-60. 3) Liu Guozhong 劉國忠, “Cong Qinghua jian ‘Jinteng’ kan chuanshi ben ‘Jinteng’ de wen- ben wenti” 從清華簡《金縢》看傳世本《金縢》的文本問題, Qinghua daxue xuebao 清華大學學報 (zhexue shehui kexue ban 哲學社會科學版) 26.4 (2011): 41. T’oung Pao 102-4-5 (2016) 291-320 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 05:03:01PM via free access 294 Ribbing Gren hesitated over how to bury the Duke of Zhou, Heaven inspired horror with its ab- normalities of great lightning and rain, with the purpose of displaying the sagely achievement [of the Duke]. The ancient script (guwen) specialists think that when King Wu died, the Duke of Zhou acted as a deputy [to King Cheng]. Guan[shu] and Cai[shu] spread rumors that made the King suspicious of the Duke of Zhou, and [to avoid confrontation] the Duke of Zhou went to live in exile in Chu. Conse- quently, it was in order that Heaven brought lightning and rain to awaken King Cheng [to this injustice]. 《金縢》曰： “秋大熟，未獲，天大雷電以風，禾盡偃，大木盡拔。邦人大恐。” 當此之時，周公死。儒者說之，以為成王狐疑于周公，欲以天子禮葬公，公人 臣也；欲以人臣禮葬公，公有功。王狐疑于葬周公之間，天大雷雨動恐示變， 以彰聖功。古文家以武王崩，周公居攝，管、蔡流言，王意狐疑周公，周公奔 楚，故天雷雨，以悟成王。 4 The problem presented here was whether the Duke of Zhou had inher- ited the throne after King Wu and ruled as king, as “learned men” in general assumed, or if he had merely aided the young King Cheng in rul- ing the kingdom and therefore been unfairly slandered by his brothers, as the so-called ancient script specialists argued.