The Fire-Eaters and Seward Lincoln ERIC H. Walther When Senator William Henry Seward in 1850 invoked a “higher law” than the Constitution of the United States that compelled people of conscience to stop the sin of slavery, the New Yorker became the Yan- kee that Fire-Eaters most loved to hate. Seward’s remarks contributed to a very real and widespread disunion effort from 1850–1852. His prominence in creating the new antislavery Republican Party helped reinvigorate the secessionist movement in the mid-1850s. And in 1858 Seward proclaimed that the rising hostility, conflict, and violent in- cidents that were occurring with greater frequency and consequence represented “an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces . and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation.”1 Barely a year after that remark, John Brown’s raid on Harpers Ferry confirmed in the minds of many Southerners that Seward had not summarized the plight of the country, but rather had called for an inva- sion of the South and race war. The Fire-Eaters could not have found a better opposition candidate to galvanize the South. But a funny thing happened to Seward’s aura of inevitability as his party’s candidate for president in 1860: Abraham Lincoln beat all comers at the Republican national convention. So what were over-zealous, Union-hating, slave- loving secessionist leaders to do? This article will focus on the most conspicuous Fire-Eaters of 1860, Edmund Ruffin of Virginia, Robert Barnwell Rhett of South Carolina and his son, Barnwell Rhett, Jr., and William Lowndes Yancey of Alabama, to demonstrate the varied responses to Seward and Lincoln. Although individual Northerners evoked slightly different reactions from secessionists, even before 1. Eric H. Walther, The Shattering of the Union: America in the 1850s (Wilmington: Schol- arly Resources, 2003), 158; Doris Kearns Goodwin, Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005); Harold Holzer, Lincoln at Cooper Union: The Speech that Made Abraham Lincoln President (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006); Richard Carwardine, Lincoln: A Life of Purpose and Power (New York: Vintage, 2007). I thank Dr. John Barr at Lone Star College-Kingwood, for his careful reading of the initial draft of this essay, his critique, and assistance in locating key sources. Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Vol. 32, No. 1, 2011 © 2011 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois JALA 32_1 text.indd 18 12/21/10 8:06:02 AM Eric H. Walther 19 1860 most disunionists found personalities inconsequential: whether the presidential candidates were Republican, or even Democrat Ste- phen Douglas, to the leaders of secession the great danger to the South had become the North itself. Only a few months before Lincoln’s ascendancy, the venerable and deranged Edmund Ruffin of Virginia showed the way for others to transition from Seward to Lincoln. Early in 1860, Ruffin reached for his quill and began frantically writing a novel called Anticipations of the Future to Serve as Lessons for the Present Time.2 He had just read a novel called Wild Scenes of the South, calling it “a very foolish book which I regret having bought, or spent the time in reading,” which told the future tale of a separation of the South from the Union.3 But a few days later, on February 29, 1860, Ruffin wrote the first pages of his own version of this story. It took the form of a London Times corre- spondent residing in the United States who observed and commented upon William Seward’s reelection to the presidency in 1864 “& will show how extreme oppression may be inflicted on the southern states, & their virtual bondage to the north.” To his friend and once-fiery secessionist, Senator James H. Hammond of South Carolina, Ruffin explained of his novel, “I suppose every incident of danger, damage, or disaster to the South, which is predicted by northerners, or south- ern submissionists—as war, blockade, invasion, servile insurrection.” Recent news that most delegates from slave states, led by Alabama’s William Lowndes Yancey, had bolted from the Democrat’s national convention in Charleston electrified Ruffin and spurred him to write even faster.4 His fictional slaughter of Yankee soldiers and destruction of the Union “were alike amusing to my mind, & . conducive to immediate pleasure.”5 Before he completed his final draft on April 30, Ruffin had already made arrangements with Robert Barnwell Rhett Sr. and Jr.—the most veteran secessionist, and his son who edited the Charleston Mercury—to serialize early chapters under the heading “Glimpses of the Future.”6 2. Anticipations of the Future to Serve as Lessons for the Present Time: In the Form of Ex- tracts from an English Resident in the United States, to the London Times, from 1864–1870, with an Appendix, on the Causes and Consequences of Independence of the South (Richmond, Va.: J.W. Randolph, 1860). 3. William K. Scarborough, ed., The Diary of Edmund Ruffin, 3 vols. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971–89), 1:407. 4. Ibid., 1:408; Ruffin to Hammond May 4, 1860, Hammond Papers, Library of Con- gress. 5. Diary of Edmund Ruffin, 1:413. 6. Ibid., 1:415. JALA 32_1 text.indd 19 12/21/10 8:06:02 AM 20 Fire-Eaters and Seward Lincoln Three weeks later, on May 21, Ruffin received horrible news: “The abolition convention” he noted in his diary, “ . had not nominated Seward, as expected, or [Edward] Bates, or [Salmon P.] Chase, or [Si- mon] Cameron, or [Benjamin] Wade . but Lincoln of Illinois, inferior in ability & reputation to all—& whom no one had mentioned before.” For a while Ruffin bemoaned that Republicans had not nominated “their ablest man, Seward,” which Ruffin was certain would have made secession more likely.7 But Ruffin was a maniacal man facing a press deadline ahead of a singular general election, so he lost little time. He penned his introduc- tion to Anticipations of the Future on June 5. He cautioned his readers that particular events, actors, and consequences might not match his predictions. “But this is of no importance to the argument, and detracts nothing from the force of its illustrations or conclusions. These do not depend upon such immaterial issues as, for example, whether the wily, able and prominent Seward, or the obscure and coarse Lincoln shall be either the first or the second President of the United States, elected by the sectional abolition party of the North.”8 So, Chapter 1 sketched out in seven paragraphs Lincoln’s victory in November, 1860, his lackluster presidency and cow-towing to party leaders, the lack of either secession or any overt act of any kind by either section against the other, and Lincoln’s inability to be renominated by his party. Chapter 2 began with Seward’s sweeping victory in 1864. A week later Ruffin traveled to Washington to confer with elected of- ficials, including the young South Carolina secessionist Congressman Laurence Keitt, Virginia Senator James M. Mason, and Gov. Andrew B. Moore of Alabama, all of who agreed that the South should secede if Lincoln were inaugurated.9 By October, heartened by the overwhelm- ing victory of Republican candidates in Pennsylvania’s state elections, Ruffin was more certain than ever that Lincoln would win and thereby deliver unto Ruffin his long-sought-for Southern Confederacy. But on the eve of presidential balloting around the nation, Ruffin read that a close friend [unnamed] of Lincoln’s planned a “much moderated policy for his presidency . to appease the South,” Ruffin feared that his beau ideal for secession might lose his “most fanatical supporters” and vote instead for radical abolitionist Gerrit Smith.10 On election day, Ruffin cast his vote for the Southern Democratic ticket of John C. Breckinridge and Joseph Lane. The next day, Ruffin 7. Ibid., 1:421. 8. Anticipations of the Future, viii. 9. Diary of Edmund Ruffin, 1:431, 433, 448. 10. Ibid., 1:480. JALA 32_1 text.indd 20 12/21/10 8:06:02 AM Eric H. Walther 21 read the election results from New York: the pro-Southern city de- livered only 30,000 votes against Lincoln, meaning that the man from Illinois would carry that state and most likely the election. “It is good news for me,” Ruffin recorded elatedly in his diary.11 Because the imminent collapse of the Union was good for Ruffin— but still uncertain that the Old Dominion would secede, as he always had been—Ruffin decided to head to his spiritual home, South Caro- lina, and promote disunion there. On November 11 from Columbia, Ruffin wrote to his sons Edmund Jr. and Julian about the “most glo- rious news” that the state assembly called for a special convention to address disunion, scheduled for December 17. “The time since I have been here has been the happiest of my life . and there has been much to gratify my individual & selfish feelings.” On the eve- ning of November 16 Ruffin publicly addressed “My friends, brother disunionists” and vowed to them that if his native Virginia remained in a Union under Lincoln, “under the domination of this infamous, low, vulgar tyranny of Black Republicans,” that he would move per- manently to South Carolina.12 Ruffin’s son Julian wrote to him on November 17, “I am glad that yo[u] are having a pleasant time,” and “Godspeed in the good cause.” His daughter Mildred Ruffin Sayre added on December 4, “It seems to me your predictions are coming to pass far in advance of the time appointed.” But unlike her father, she wished to avoid a war.