MEN AND CITIZENS IN THE THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Andrew Linklater claims that our dominant traditions of political thought have failed to pay sufficient attention to the relationship between the obligations which men have been said to acquire as men, and the obligations by which they are bound as citizens of separate states. The first part of his book explains the reasons for the existence of a tension between obligations to men and citizens within the theory and practice of the modern state. Part Two explores the changing relationship between the ideas of citizenship and humanity in theories of political community and international relations since the seventeenth century. In a critical analysis of this changing relationship, the author concentrates particularly upon the writings of Pufen­ dorf, Vattel, Kant, Hegel and Marx. Part Three aims to establish the foundations of a new political theory of inter­ national relations. It locates the bases of that theory in nineteenth-century conceptions of the relationship between freedom and history. The argument concludes that the defence of a moral community more inclusive than the sovereign state is the necessary outcome of properly under­ standing man's unique capacity for self-determination. This book will be of special interest to students of political theory and international relations, and to all those concerned with the moral and philosophical problems of both domestic and international politics. Andrew Linklater is a lecturer in political thought, inter­ national politics and theories of international relations at the University of Tasmania. He was educated at the Universities of Aberdeen and Oxford and the London School of Economics. Published by Palgrave Macmillan in association with the London School of Economics H. M. Drucker THE POLITICAL USES OF IDEOLOGY Graeme J. Gill PEASANTS AND GOVERNMENT IN THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION Tony Hayter THE ARMY AND THE CROWD IN MID-GEORGIAN ENGLAND Marian Kent OIL AND EMPIRE: BRITISH POLICY AND MESOPOTAMIAN OIL 1900-1920 L. H. Leigh (editor) ECONOMIC CRIME IN EUROPE Andrew Linklater MEN AND CITIZENS IN THE THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Michael Malet NESTOR MAKHNO IN THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR C. A. W. Manning THE NATURE OF INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY Terence H. Qualter GRAHAM WALLAS AND THE GREAT SOCIETY David Seckler THORSTEIN VEBLEN AND THE INSTITUTIONALISTS Leonard Schapiro THE ORIGIN OF THE COMMUNIST AUTOCRACY W. von Leyden HOBBES AND LOCKE Men and Citizens in the Theory of International Relations Andrew Linklater Palgrave Macmillan © Andrew Linklater 1982 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1982 978-0-333-32001-3 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission First published 1982 by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD London and Basingstoke Companies and representatives throughout the world ISBN 978-1-349-16694-7 ISBN 978-1-349-16692-3 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-16692-3 Contents Acknowledgements Vll Preface ix PART ONE: FOUNDATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL THEORY 1 The Case for International Political Theory 3 2 Men and Citizens in International Relations 17 3 Internal and External Concepts of Obligation in the Theory of International Relations 38 PART TWO: FROM RATIONALISM TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY Introduction to Part Two 59 4 Pufendorf's Theory of International Relations 62 5 Vattel's Society of States 80 6 Kantian Ethics and International Relations 97 7 The Dissolution of Rationalist International Theory 121 8 Freedom and History in the Political Theory of International Relations 139 PART THREE: A HIERARCHY OF FORMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Introduction to Part Three 165 9 From Tribalism to Political Society 169 10 From Citizenship to Humanity 184 v v1 Contents Concluding Rema1·ks 202 Notes and References 207 Select Bibliography 222 Index 229 Acknowledgements This book began as a doctoral thesis submitted to the University of London in 1978. In the course of writing my thesis, and subsequently redrafting it for publication, I have incurred many obligations. Firstly, I would like to record my gratitude to the Trustees of the Noel Buxton Studentship in International Relations at the London School of Economics for provision of financial support between 1974 and 1976. While a student in the Department of International Relations I had the privilege of being supervised by Michael Donelan whose encouragement, advice and example were invaluable. I would also like to thank Paul Taylor and Geoffrey Goodwin, the former for his supervision in the last few months of 1975, the latter for his interest and encouragement through­ out. My thanks are due to the Publications Committee at the London School of Economics, and its secretary, Patrick Davis, for their assistance in publishing this volume. To the Univer­ sity of Tasmania, which allowed me to spend six months in Britain to complete this book, I am most grateful, as I am towards the University of Keele which provided me with an ideal environment in which to write. Christopher Brewin and John Vincent of the Department of International Relations at Keele gave me considerable encouragement and advice, while Hidemi Suganami's exceptional generosity with time and advice was invaluable. An earlier version of chapter two appeared in the British journal of International Studies (published by the Longmans Group) in April 1981, and a previous draft of chapter four appeared in Millennium: journal of International Studies of the London School of Economics, in Autumn 1981. I would like to thank the editors of these journals for their kindness in granting permission to draw upon this material in the present work. vii Vlll Acknowledgements Finally, throughout the period in which this book was researched and written I have been the recipient of my wife's unselfish support. I dedicate this book to Jane in gratitude. A.L. September 1980 Hobart, Tasmania Preface The claims advanced in the following pages form an effort to overcome the limitations inherent in those traditions of political thought which have concentrated almost exclusively upon providing a philosophical account of the state in abstraction from a speculative theory of the international states-system; they arise also from a discontent, frequently sounded recently, with the serious absence of theoretical explorations of a more classical and synoptic kind within the analysis of international relations. My purpose here is to extend some of the themes which have been discussed in a small but growing body of literature which testifies clearly to the resurgence of international political theory in Britain in recent years; 1 it is, in short, to seek to establish a basic framework upon which to build a general theory of relations between political communities. Hegel stated that philosophy must confront its own de­ velopment through a search for the reason immanent within its history. 2 Accordingly, a philosophy of relations between political associations should not be advanced in abstraction from a search for the rationality inherent within the history of that philosophy. It will be argued below, in opposition to one of the prevalent themes in the literature mentioned above, that a very significant part of the history of modern inter­ national thought has centred upon what may be termed the problem of the relationship between men andcitizens.3 We may characterise this problem in different ways: as the issue of the proper relationship between the obligations which men may be said to acquire qua men and the obligations to which they are subject as citizens of particular associations; or, as the question of reconciling the actual or potential universality of human nature with the diversity and division of political community. The posing and answering of these problems is central to the further development of the theory of inter- IX X Preface national relations; as we shall see later, they also lead to the establishment of important connections between a consoli­ dated political theory of international relations and that remarkable tradition of political thought, beginning essen­ tially with Rousseau, which is concerned with the enhance­ ment of human freedom. In the opening sections of this argument, I aim to establish some elementary princi pies of international political theory in connection with the theme that a tension between two concepts of obligation, two modes of moral experience, is firmly embedded within the theory and practice of the modern state. Thereafter, the argument will give an account of the way this tension was inherent within rationalist inter­ national thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen­ turies. My purpose is to reveal that at least two exponents of rationalist thinking failed to give a satisfactory statement of the relationship between the idea of humanity, with its suggestion of a moral community more inclusive than the independent state, and the individually contracted rights and duties of citizenship. It will be argued that Kant is the sole representative of the rationalist genre to approach that cohe­ rent vision of world political organisation which had eluded his most immediate and prominent predecessors, Pufendorf and Vattel. A philosophical and historical inquiry into the problem of men and citizens must confront two crucially important extensions of the romantic rejection of rationalism: histori­ cism and universal, or philosophical, history. The immediate impetus for doing so arises from the observation that the moral foundations of Kant's international theory are espe­ cially vulnerable to the historicist critique of rationalism. Indeed the historicist assault upon the notion of an immut­ able, universal human reason subverted the traditional foundations, both medieval and modern, of international rela­ tions thought. Clearly, in the earlier ideas of Meinecke, and in the philosophy ofTreitschke, the rejection of rationalism had as its aim the dissolution of that realm of humanity, or human obligation, which seemed to earlier thinkers to compete with the ethical dictates of the sovereign state.