Structure versus prominence: stress in Munster Irish Pavel Iosad Universitetet i Tromsø/CASTL Key points Some evaluations for HH… T T T /F T /F I /F Prosodic headship has to do with structure building, not stress assignment /F OMPL OMPL OMPL C EFT ORM C OMPL C ECURSION L EFT F ORM R MB T K C I ECURSION L F F B *R E P R WSP MB T “Stress” is in principle separate from headship, possibly something like a feature K HH F E P B *R HH WSP 0 a. ☞ Wd * * * I Recursion and the X sema are useful inside the pword a. Wd *! * * Ft I Ft T Prosodic constraints are only sensitive to immediate daughter, not parsing at any D σ σ´ T /F /F σ´ σ /W level σ µ µ µ OMPL ORM OMPL OMPL C EFT IN ORM µ µ µ µ F C C ECURSION L F B D R R MB T T K W F E *R B F B P I µ HHL WSP Constraints on head vs. dependent complexity (Dresher & van der Hulst, 1998) b. Wd *!* * * b. Wd *!* * * a. ☞ Wd * * * * are useful Ft Ft Ft Ft I σ´ σ Consider adding maximum depth of embedding as a measure of complexity σ´ σ σ σ´ σ σ µ µ µ µ σ µ σ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ µ c. ☞ Wd * * * Munster Irish stress c. Wd *! * * b. Wd *! * * Ft Ft Ft Ft σ σ´ σ´ σ σ´ σ σ I σ µ µ µ Dialect of Corca Dhuibhne (Dingle) (Ó Sé, 2000, 2008) µ µ σ µ µ µ σ µ µ µ I µ µ ree-syllable window word-initially d. *!* * Wd d. Wd *! *** c. Wd *! * I Lemost within the window with weight-sensitivity Ft Ft Ft Ft I But #HH…is #HH́ … σ´ σ σ σ´ σ´ σ σ I But not non-initial …HH… µ µ µ µ µ µ σ µ µ µ σ µ µ µ µ µ Examples Final ranking ĹL ˈkarɪgʲ ‘stone’ LH́ kaˈlʲiːnʲ ‘girl’ is ranking accounts for all the data, including secondary stress 00 H́ L ˈɑːlɪnʲ ‘nice’ .Word. Form .*Clash. .EmbCompl/Ft. .WSP. .FootForm. HH́ dʲiːˈviːnʲ ‘idle’ ĹLL ˈklagərnəx ‘claering’ . .*Recursion. .BrCompl/Wd. LH́ L kʲɪˈmʲɑːdən ‘(s)he observes’ LH́ H bʲiˈhuːntiːxt ‘villainy’ . LLH́ kʲanəˈhoːrʲ ‘buyer’ . .FtBin. .BrCompl/Ft. 00 . H́ LL ˈkuːrəməx ‘careful’ HH́ L oːˈgɑːnəx ‘young man’ HH́ H uːˈrɑːniː ‘songs’ . .PkLeft. H́ LH ˈuːdərɑːs ‘authority’ ĹLLL ˈarəməkəx ‘tender’ Implications ĹLLH ˈimʲɪlʲəkɑːn ‘navel’ LLH́ H əməˈdɑːntiːxt ‘foolishness’ H́ LHH ˈoumpərɑːniːxt ‘ungainliness’ I For Munster Irish: H́ LHL ˈuːdərɑːʃəx ‘authoritative’ I Everything is le-headed, contra Green (1997) I Further work: if headedness is about structure, is this account consistent with vowel reduction data (if they are relevant)? Analysis I More generally: I I suggest that divorcing headedness and prominence is fruitful I If headedness and prominence are separate, there are no headless feet, just feet with heads not I Head feet are always at the le edge associated with prominence I Heads of feet are always at the le edge I If “stress” does not imply headedness, unbounded feet are not needed? I Complexity constraints: I Stress feet versus other feet: Downing (2006); Vaysman (2008); Buley (2009) I Branching Complexity: if a constituent has a head and a dependent, the head has more immediate daughters than the dependent I Embedding Complexity: if a constituent has a head and a dependent, the deepest embedded Ask me about… terminal node dominated by the head must be embedded more deeply than the deepest terminal node dominated by the dependent I Stress and epenthesis in Munster Irish I In words with initial HH, embedding complexity is satisfied by weight-sacrificing I Secondary stress recursion I e complete paper .Wd. .Ft References .σ .σ´ Buley, Eugene. 2009. Locality in metrical typology. Phonology 26(4). 389–425. Downing, Laura J. 2006. Canonical forms in prosodic morphology. Oxford: Oxford .σ .µ .µ .µ University Press. Dresher, Elan & Harry van der Hulst. 1998. Head-dependent asymmetries in .µ prosodic phonology: visibility and complexity. Phonology 15(3). 317–352. I Since prosody is only sensitive to immediate daughters, the highlighted syllable Green, Anthony Duba. 1997. e prosodic structure of Irish, Scots Gaelic, and is light Manx. Ph.D. thesis, Cornell University. I WSP is defined on heavy syllables Ó Sé, Diarmuid. 2000. Gaeilge Chorca Dhuibhne. Baile Atha Cliath: Institiúid I Prominence generally falls on the lemost heavy syllable, whi here is Teangeolaíota Éireann. peninitial and dependent Ó Sé, Diarmuid. 2008. Word stress in Munster Irish. Éigse 36. 87–112. Vaysman, Olga. 2008. Segmental alternations and metrical theory. Ph.D. thesis, Massauses Institute of Tenology, Cambridge, MA. Universitetet i Tromsø/CASTL http://www.hum.uit.no/a/iosad [email protected].