Land and politics in New Caledonia Alanwward Polltlcal and social Change Monograph 2 Political and Social Change Monograph 2 LAND AND POLITICS IN NEW CALEDONIA Alan Ward Department of Political and Social Change Re search School of Pacific Studies Australian National University Canberra , 1982 © Alan Ward This work is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism, or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission. Inquiries should be made to the publisher. First published 1982 , Department of Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University. Printed and manufactured in Australia by Pink Panther Instant Printing. Distributed by Department of Political & Social Change Research School of Pacific Studies The Australian National University Box 4, P.O. Canberra, A.C.T. Australia National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-publication entry Ward, Alan, 1935- . Land and politics in New Caledonia. Bibliography Includes index. ISBN - 86784 077 3. 1. New Caledonia - Politics and government. 2. Land use - Planning - New Caledonia. I. Australian National University. Dept. of Political and Social Change. II. Title. (Series: Political and social change nvnograph; 2). ISSN 072 7-5994. 320.993'2 CONTENTS Preface i Colonial origins 1 Demographic and political change 13 Proposals for systematic land reform 26 The Di joud plan 32 New directions in land policy 49 The outlook 61 (a) the French state 61 (b) the settlers 64 (c) the Kanaks 66 (d) the interaction 68 (e) impli cations 73 Australia's responsibility 75 Postscript 78 References 79 Index 81 Preface This work arose out of my preoccupation with land in Oceania - la nd as a key focus of the values and aspirations of the peoples of Oceania. The interests of indigenous and settler peoples con­ cerning land have recently produced some sharp confrontations, but there are also deeper-seated choices between 'tradition' and 'modernity' which complicate, and may override, the essentially colonial issues. The technical aspects of land tenure or land reform both reflect and shape the flux of values and aspirations. During the decolonization of the Anglophone islands of Oceania a considerable amount of comparative experience was developed about how to mediate between competing aspirations and to assist in the evolution of new ones, with concern for social stability. This knowledge is, of course, embedded in the context of much larger social, economic, legal and political concerns, often reflecting deep cultural divisions between Oceanic and European peoples. The purpose of my research in New Caledonia was to observe this inter­ action in a French territory and to exchange knowledge about experience in the Anglophone states. I gratefully acknowledge the reciprocal interest by the directorate and scholars of ORSTOM, the French Office de la Recherche Scientifique et Te�hnique Outre-Mer, who enabled me to study in association with them in Noumea. Their assistance and advice, and that of the High Commissioner and senior officials in New Caledonia, was generous and kind. Our discussions were frank and cordial. Moreover, I travelled and talked freely with people of all races and social categories. I have tried to represent their various viewpoints accurately and with due emphasis. The overall judgements and interpretations expressed here are, however, strictly my own. The primary intention of studying the evolution and particularly the judicial framework of the current land reform (reforme fonciere) in New Caledonia is, I hope, reflected in the ensuing pages. It was irranediately apparent, however, that the land reform was being shaped very greatly by the political context: the opposition between Melanesian nationalism seeking Independance Kanak on the one hand, and French corranitment to a multi-ethnic society on the other, with the Melanesians being only one group, outnumbered by a majority of settler groups. This study has, in the end, therefore become much nore concerned about politics than was originally intended. I have allowed this to occur because of the intense interest in Australia about New Caledonia. Not, it should be added, by the 'average' Australian, whose interest in New Caledonia is nore accurately symbolized by the suntanned bodies on the beach of the Club Med at Noumea. But among Australian academics, officials, and those politicians concerned with the Oceanic region there is very ii gre at concern and anxiety to understand the complexities of the Territory during an era of pro found change in the re gion . It seemed important to write as fully as possible about it. The extraordinary rnisperceptions on all sides about the forces operating in Vanuatu, rnisperceptions which led to civil stri fe and nearly to a tragedy of quite horrible magnitude for the region, have re affirmed my convic­ tions about that . The interpretation offered he re is a personal one . It is bound to provoke dissent. I hope it will provide discussion , across national and ethnic lines , in the inte rests of understanding and stabi lity in the region . Often research and wri ting about New Caledonia has been a sad experience , because everywhere one encounters people of goodwi ll, possessed of great talent, of great warmth and charm , by no means narrowly self-seeking , ye t who are at odds with one another from the depths of their di fferent cultural commitments . Their hostility often seems needless - often to be based on judgements about the worst, not the best or even the average , of the other culture , the other race . It is a beauti ful land , where racial divisions have been needlessly strengthened rather than assuaged , where two cultural traditions have been placed in opposition , rather than each valued for the contribution it can make to a new emergent Oceanian society. The search for insti tutional ways of bridging and sharing has been minimal . In the last few years , however, there have been signs of gre ater understanding and flexibility , notably in land matters . Taken further , and wri t larger, the se attitudes could have re sulted in the truly Caledonian people of di ffering ethnic origins deve loping some common cause , out of common re cognition that it is an Oceanian society , not a European one , which needed to be built. But now the con frontations have intensified and it is probably too late to bridge the racial gul f. In conclusion I wi sh to acknowledge the assistance of the School of Humani ties at La Trobe Univers ity in contributing to the costs of re search and to the Research Centre for Southwest Paci fic Studies , La Trobe University, and the Department of Political & Social Change , Aus tralian National University, for providing opportunity to discuss aspects of the work in semin ars . In particular I wish to thank my co lleagues Dr Bronwe n Douglas and Dr Myriam Dorney , for reading and commenting on the text , Dr Dorney for re ading French National As sembly debates in the National Library , and Professor Jamie Mackie and Dr Ron May for encouraging me to publish the work. A.W . November 1981 ABBREVIATIONS AICLF Association des Indigenes Caledoniens et Loyaltiens Francais CFP Cours du Franc Pacifique FADIL Fonds d'Aide au neveloppement des Iles et de l'Interieur FI Front Independantiste FIDES Fonds d'Investissement de Developpement Economique et Social FNSC Federation Pour une Nouvelle societe Caledonienne FULK Front Uni pour la Liberation des Kanaks JARM Jeunesse d'Action et de Reflexion Caledonien JC Jeunes Canaques Francais MLC Mouvement Liberal Caledonien MOP Mouvement Pour l'Ordre et la Paix ORSTOM Off ice de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique Outre-Mer PALI KA Parti de Liberation Kanak. PR Parti Republicain PSC Parti Socialiste Caledonien RPC Rassemblement Pour la Caledonie RPCR Rassemblement Pour la Caledonie dans la Republique RPR Rassemblement Pour la Republique RURALE Ruraux, unis pour une reforme agraire liberale et equitable UC Union Caledonienne UICALO Union des Indigenes Caledoniens Amis de la Liberte dans l'Ordre UMNC Union Multiraciale de Nouvelle Caledonie UNC Union Nouvelle Caledonienne UPM Union Progressiste Multiraciale (1974-1977) Union Progressiste Melanesianne (1977- ) 1 billion 1 milliard 1,000 , 000 ,000 164' 166' 168' ' � 20' 20' �o . �/ J J- / .s-,,,, � -�C) -:> O' cl' .\) NEW CALEDONIA 22 22' (J 0 100 [).fie des Pins Kilometres 164 166' 168' From the late 1960s radical groups among the Melanesians of New Caledonia began to campaign for Independence. By the mid 1970s three Melanesian political parties championing Independence held seats in the Territorial Assembly and in 1977 the multi-racial Union Caledonienne also opted for Independence. The French govern­ ment has recently sought to meet the pressures with a wide-ranging progranune of economic and social development. Central to the programme is a renewed reforme fonciere aimed at returning sub­ stantial areas of land on the main island - the Grande Terre - to Melanesian ownership and control. There is considerable agree­ ment that this is urgently necessary. But there is great disagree­ ment about the extent and location of the land to be affected, the terms on which it will be acquired and the manner on which it should be reallocated among Melanesians. These matters underlie current New Caledonian politics and strongly affect the Independence issue. This text will examine the reform programme, and the land reform in particular, in relation to New Caledonian society and politics, including the colonial background. It will then attempt to relate the New Caledonian situation to Australia's regional interests and responsibilities. COLONIAL ORIGINS Several authors have traced with thoroughness and skill the impact of colonization on Melanesian society and Melanesian lands (notably Douglas 1972; Saussol 1971, 1979; Roux 1974, 19771). Bronwen Douglas cites the official attitude in Paris shortly after the annexation in 1853.