Veda Krüger Ruiz How might an anthropology of learning and knowledge transmission amongst indigenous Amazonian children inform the historical and contemporary process of formal schooling? ‘Looking at the past must only be a means of understanding more clearly what and who they are so that they can more wisely build the future.’ Paulo Freire (1970:84) Introduction As fundamental historical beings, the enquiry about one’s past represents for Freire (1970) the starting point to understanding who we are. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, he addresses the “colonized-colonizer” power relation in Brazil (Ibid), and promotes a pedagogy for oppressed groups to enquiry about their history, understand who they are, and thus fight for a just future. Yet the history of these groups, as is the history of indigenous Amazonians, has been predominantly recorded through the hegemonic voice of the “colonizer”. Similarly are the histories of indigenous Amazonian children, who until recently have been considerably invisible in historical and anthropological accounts (Szulc and Cohn 2012). This invisibility has concealed the unique point of view children have to recount about important social, political, economic and religious processes at different times in history (Pires and Falcão 2014). Formal schooling is one of these processes, and is of particular relevance considering indigenous Amazonian children belong to a historically oppressed group perceived by colonial discourses as “incapable” and “naïve” (Ramos 1998), who had to be raised, taught, and “civilized” (Amoroso 2000). These conceptions of “indianness” (Ramos 1998) significantly influenced early education, guiding missionaries, teachers and policies in the instruction of indigenous children. During the sixteenth-century, missionaries aimed to raise and teach indigenous Amazonian children (Block 1994), and so the initial form of schooling progressively integrated the life of several communities. Their paternalistic ideology however considerably neglected indigenous ways of learning and knowledge transmission (Czarny 2009), leading to the decontextualization of formal schooling (Rebodello 2009), and the perpetual colonial dominance in writing the history of indigenous education. 1 Veda Krüger Ruiz It is here where a distinction between a “history of Indians” and an “education for Indians”, as determined by the outsiders’ perspective, clashes with an “Indian history” and an “Indian education”, or as put by the Brazilian Guarani people in 1993: an “indigenous education” that ‘should teach the history of the Guarani people and ensure the continuity of Guarani culture.’ (Silva and Sad 2012:546). Going back to Freire (1970), it is consequently the recovery of these histories as told by indigenous people themselves that will give voice to groups historically silenced and provide an alternative lens to understanding the process of formal schooling. As the main subject of formal education, it is the child that is of greatest relevance in this discussion. Hence this essay aims to recover the ways children were portrayed during encounters with indigenous Amazonian peoples, and through the imaginative reconstruction of primary and secondary sources (Collingwood 1994), consider their experience of formal education through history. Despite the informative value of such accounts, the child still remains relatively invisible, as its presence is mostly determined by adult-colonial voices. Therefore, anthropological sources will also be included for a more in-depth understanding of learning and knowledge transmission in particular socio-cultural contexts (Silva, 2000a). The contemporary anthropological engagement in studying indigenous Amazonian children has coincided with movements, particularly in Brazil, claiming for indigenous modes of learning to be legally recognized in “differentiated indigenous schools” (escola indígena differenciada) (Tassinari 2000). Education thus has played a decisive role in the lives of indigenous Amazonian children, both historically and contemporarily, emphasizing the need for an interdisciplinary discussion between history, anthropology and education on indigenous schooling (Silva 2000b). This essay will therefore explore the ways indigenous Amazonian children learn and get to know the world by considering historical and contemporary sources. Examples will be particularly drawn from Brazil, including other Amazonian regions in Bolivia and Peru, as the children’s indigenous status is considered to be similar. Overall, the essay aims to provide a different “lens” to understanding the process of formal education, one that combines the perception of the child as seen by others, as well as the lived experience of children themselves. 2 Veda Krüger Ruiz 1. Contributions from the past: the indigenous child in historical narratives. 1.1. Early encounters and mission culture. When the Portuguese first encountered the Tupinikin of the Brazilian north- eastern coast in 1500, the fleet’s scribe, Pedro Vaz de Caminha, described natives as people with ‘very little knowledge’ (First Letter from Brazil, 1500:53). Much was inferred about how readily indoctrinated Tupinikin were, as they showed great willingness to imitate the Portuguese during Mass. Yet little is said about the place and presence of children. Caminha was certainly fascinated by the exotic and shameless appearance of young girls, who are mainly described through the Portuguese’s male gaze. Also, he noticed a young woman carrying an infant child tied around her chest with a cloth. But few assumptions can be made more than that young children were close to their mothers, girls seemed healthy and well cared for, and that overall, Tupinikin were willing learners, who were already looked upon with a paternalistic attitude by the Portuguese. The contact zone between indigenous groups and the Portuguese expanded since that initial encounter, and in 1550 various settlements had been established along the coast (Whitehead and Harbsmeier 2008). It is in this context when Hans Staden, a German adventurer, was captured in 1552 by the Tupinambá, a neighbouring peoples of the Tupinikin. His account is a valuable source as it provides first-hand insight into the Tupi-speaking community. In particular, Staden describes how parents named their children after a forefather’s ‘courageous and terrifying name’, as ‘children with such names prospered and had good luck in catching slaves.’ (Staden, 1552:121-122). Notions of Tupinambá personhood are revealed here, especially in relation to boys, who are expected to grow fierce and strong, and whose passage into manhood is marked by their physical capacity to bear arms and engage in courageous activities. Staden’s “eyewitness” account also includes informative wood-cut illustrations of Tupinambá everyday life (Whitehead and Harbsmeier 2008), some of which portray the relatively hidden presence of children in the community. In Figure 1, women are preparing manioc drink, and in Figure 2, women working on the fields are seen carrying their infants tied in cloths, similar to what Caminha had described amongst the Tupinikin. Again, children seem close observers of women’s activities, 3 Veda Krüger Ruiz they are also amongst each other, playing and communicating. Although these remain possible inferences, the illustrations suggest a close-knit social life in which children take part early on, through which they may progressively socialize, learn and become active members. Figure 1. ‘Preparation of Drink by Figure 2. ‘Weather Shamanism and The Women.’ (Staden 1557:118) Cross (ii).’ (Staden 1557:115) Further, the presence of the Cross (see Figure 2) indicates an early incorporation of Christian religious symbols. This can be understood in the historical scene of early Jesuit missionary contact. Mills, Taylor and Graham (2002) recount how in 1549, the first group of Jesuits established a colégio (school) in Bahia to gradually introduce Christian beliefs to the communities, particularly amongst children. Padre Manoel de Nóbrega was the Brazilian provincial of this Jesuit group, whose letter to Padre Simão in Portugal reveals crucial attitudes towards indigenous teaching at the time (Nóbrega 1552). Jesuits considered language the best way to instruct children, and so taught Portuguese grammar to facilitate their learning of Catholic catechism. Overall, Nóbrega describes indigenous children as enthusiastic learners, who were also readily taught and baptised. These accounts suggest indigenous children were perceived as eager pupils and were apparently readily indoctrinated into Portuguese language and Christian beliefs. Attempts to Christianize and civilize them however became more perseverant when Indians were gathered into mission settlements, the aldeias (Roller, 2010). In a 4 Veda Krüger Ruiz letter written by Padre Antônio Pires (1558) in Bahia, he suggests that the aldeias facilitated teaching indigenous children to read, write, and adopt good habits, and restrained them from wandering around. Similar to Nóbrega, Pires (1558) also ascribes great enthusiasm and interest in learning to some of his students, suggesting a trend in how indigenous children were initially perceived. The initial structure of formal schooling thus began to be established in the mid-sixteenth century. Yet these accounts reveal a dominant paternalistic attitude, which guided early educational practices and justified Jesuits’ role as “fathers” in charge of protecting and raising indigenous children (Block 1994). This shaped how children