Performance in Bali Performance in Bali brings to the attention of students and practitioners in the twenty-first century a dynamic performance tradition that has fasci- nated observers for generations. Leon Rubin and I Nyoman Sedana, both international theatre professionals as well as scholars, collaborate to give an understanding of performance culture in Bali from inside and out. The book describes four specific forms of contemporary performance that are unique to Bali: • Wayang shadow-puppet theatre • Sanghyang ritual trance performance • Gambuh classical dance-drama • the virtuoso art of Topeng masked theatre. The book is a guide to current practice, with detailed analyses of recent theatrical performances looking at all aspects of performance, production and reception. There is a focus on the examination and description of the actual techniques used in the training of performers, and how some of these techniques can be applied to Western training in drama and dance. The book also explores the relationship between improvisation and rigid dramatic structure, and the changing relationships between contemporary approaches to performance and traditional heritage. These culturally unique and beautiful theatrical events are contextualised within religious, intel- lectual and social backgrounds to give unparalleled insight into the mind and world of the Balinese performer. Leon Rubin is Director of East 15 Acting School, University of Essex. I Nyoman Sedana is Professor at the Indonesian Arts Institute (ISI) in Bali, Indonesia. Contents List of illustrations ix Preface xi Acknowledgements xiii 1 Past and present 1 2 Wayang shadow theatre 16 3 Sanghyang trance performance 51 4 Gambuh classical performance 79 5 Topeng masked theatre 103 6 The future 134 Travel advisory 139 Glossary 141 Selected bibliography 150 Index 153 Illustrations Figures 1.1 Figures from the Ogoh Ogoh parade 5 2.1 Behind the Wayang Kulit screen 17 2.2 A dalang manipulating Wayang puppets 18 2.3 I Nyoman Sedana (joint author) performing Wayang Lemah 19 2.4 Wayang Kulit 27 2.5 Wayang Kulit 46 3.1 Sanghyang deling performers entering trance through puppets 53 3.2 Two young Sanghyang deling performers in trance 53 3.3 Sanghyang deling performer walking through fire 58 3.4 Sanghyang deling feats of balance 71 3.5 Sanghyang penyalin ceremony 73 4.1 Gambuh male performers and orchestra 81 4.2 Gambuh 85 4.3 Gambuh performer 89 4.4 The temple of Gegaduhan Jagat 93 5.1 I Ketut Kodi, mask maker and Topeng performer 106 5.2 A typical set of masks from a Topeng performance by I Ketut Kodi 107 5.3 Topeng performer as Sidhakarya 115 5.4 Topeng performer 119 5.5 Typical Topeng stage 127 Table 2.1 Wayang Kulit 28 Acknowledgements We are indebted to numerous performers and scholars in Bali for sharing their points of view, giving us the opportunity to witness their performances and providing their advice. In particular, we thank I Made Sidja, I Madé Bandem, I Nyoman Sumandhi, I Wayan Widja, I Wayan Nartha, I Ketut Kodi, I Nyoman Ganjreng, I Nyoman Catra, I Made Sidia, I Wayan Dibia, I Gst Nr Serama Semadi, I Wayan Loceng, I Gst Nr Seramasara, Dewa Ketut Wicaksana, Dewa Made Darmawan, I Wayan Nardayana and Cokorda Raka Tisnu. We also acknowledge the research help, during field study, of students from the MA/MFA Directing programme at East 15 Acting School, University of Essex, England (formerly delivered at Middlesex University), Henriette Baker, Athina Kasiou, Justin Martin, Arlene Martinez, Devon de Mayo, Jeremy Catterton, Euripides Dikaios, Sarah O’Toole and Jen-Ru Wang. In addition, we acknowledge the invaluable contributions of our editor John Russell Brown, Jum Rubin, Ni Wayan Seniasih, I Nyoman Rena, Jeanne Griffiths, Jasmine Rubin and the support of Middlesex University, England, the Indonesian Arts Institute (ISI), Denpasar, Bali, and East 15 Acting School. 1 Past and present When the bomb exploded in the Sari Club in Legian Street, Kuta, Bali on 12 October 2002, a wave of anguish swept through Balinese life. Although, over the centuries, Bali had not been immune to great pain, violence and suffering, recent times had been peaceful and relatively prosperous within economically struggling Indonesia. The development of tourism through the 1980s and 1990s had generally established a peaceful life for most inhabitants. The bombing by Muslim extremists shattered that peace in many ways that are not all evident to the outsider. The bombing affected various levels of Balinese society, from the financial and political to the reli- gious, cultural and philosophical. It was to the people of Bali as though the delicate and harmonious balance between good and evil had been destroyed. In the Balinese way of seeing the universe, good and evil always coexist. Throughout Balinese art, religion and philosophy there is constant refer- ence to this idea of a balanced universe that recognises the existence of both forces, rwa bhineda. Unlike the dominant, simplistic Western concept of the need to defeat evil and divide the world between the good guys and the villains, the Balinese view is that evil spirits exist and that you need to deal with them, appease them, pacify them, distract them or transform them into good spirits, but you never defeat them. When an imbalance occurs and evil is strong in the world, you must create more good to regain the balance, and so goodness, temple ceremonies and religious duty to the community must all be increased as a response. Most performance forms in Bali, apart from the completely secular, deal at some point with this fact of existence as part of the rituals with which they are connected. In response to the bomb outrage, many performances took place all over the island to amend the imbalance that had been caused. The evil spirits were dominating and had to be pacified and harmony had to be restored. Some of these performances were well documented in articles by academic observers as the extraordinary manifestation of art as a weapon against violence unfolded. Of course, the conventional military and police 2 Past and present responses took place simultaneously, but the purification rituals of perfor- mances were considered as potent and important. Culture is a weapon in Bali (Jenkins and Catra, 2004: 71) and has historically been an important part of a defence strategy against the outside world. It is the powerful and enduring sense of cultural identity that has helped defend Bali from out- side forces over the centuries. Bali is still the last tiny island that resisted the Muslim advance across Asia; the sweep across the Indonesian islands was stopped dead there. The remaining key Majapahit elite fled to join their relatives in Bali, as it was the region’s final Hindu outpost of a lost culture. By the early sixteenth century, all Buddhist/Hindu areas had almost com- pletely disappeared throughout what is now known as Indonesia, and Bali was the only remaining entity. The Majapahit Empire, itself a complex mixture of Buddhist and Hindu culture, had conquered Bali as early as 1343 and brought with it Buddhist and Hindu/Shiwa-related religion. It also brought the Ramayana and Mahabharata and the religious, philosophical and performance traditions. They integrated with the existing traditions to produce the rich culture that are present today. When the Dutch empire colonised the region (finally achieved in 1891, after 50 years of treaties and battles), Bali offered the strongest resistance, including mass suicide (known in the history books as puputan), in the face of superior weaponry and a war that was impossible to win. The resistance was not just for the sake of political independence; the Balinese people also resisted because of a passionate desire to protect a deeply ingrained culture. When the Japanese invaded Bali, landing in Sanur on 18 February 1942, during World War II, many Balinese intellectuals and others welcomed the Japanese as an Asian controlling force that they thought would be more in sympathy with Balinese ideals; however, by the end period of the war they understood this was not the way Japanese rule worked. Although in the first period after the invasion the new colonial rulers were indeed sympathetic to Balinese social structures and culture, this sympathy fell away as the war turned against Japan and a much harsher rule took over. Even the Dutch rulers recognised the unique exquisiteness of Balinese cultural identity and took steps to help preserve it, although their intentions were to keep Bali as a paradise island that was suitable for wealthy Dutch tourists. Numerous artists and anthropologists who made the pilgrimage to Bali popularised this exotic and mysterious paradise during the 1920s and 1930s. They wrote about and visually depicted the great culture from the past that still survived. The colonial implication existed that this was a fascinating but ultimately naïve and early civilisation clearly inferior to the modern European cultural environment. However, the Balinese, typically, learnt new ideas and skills from their foreign visitors/rulers and created numerous new styles and forms of visual and performing arts that retained Past and present 3 a powerful, central Balinese consciousness. The new forms did not replace but sat side by side with the traditional forms. Most tourists today witness- ing the Kecak dance, performed daily for tourists, are blissfully unaware that the traditional, ancient ceremony/performance they are attending was choreographed by the German artist and chorographer Walter Spies in the 1920s, and that it was based on mixing together bits of different existing forms. The Balinese do not fear the present invasion of foreign tourists (that began during the Dutch rule and has mushroomed in recent years) because they possess an intense cultural confidence that permeates throughout their society.