Locked out, locked in: Young people, adulthood and desistance from crime Briege Nugent Brown PhD The University of Edinburgh 2017 DECLARATION OF ORIGINAL WORK I hereby confirm that I have composed this thesis and that this thesis is all my own work. I also declare that this work has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. Signed __________________________on _________________________. ii iii ABSTRACT This thesis presents findings from a longitudinal study of young people living in poverty providing a unique insight into their lives. The research set out to explore three themes, namely how young people end contact successfully (or not) from support, their experiences of the ‘transition to adulthood’ and also what triggered, helped and hindered those who were trying to desist from offending. It was revealed that a small number never left Includem’s Transitional Support, a unique service set up in Scotland providing emotional and practical help for vulnerable young people in this age group. For those who did leave, many had limited to no other support in their lives and were reluctant to ask for help again even when they were in real need. They were all acutely aware of their precarious situation. ‘Adulthood’ denoted certainty for them and was not viewed as a feasible destination. Members of the group dealt with this differently. Almost all retained hope of achieving their goals and in doing so suffered a form of ‘cruel optimism’, conversely, a smaller number scaled back on their aspirations, sometimes even to the extent of focusing on their immediate day to day survival. Over the course of the study most participants became more hopeless, isolated and withdrawn. Although they still wanted to achieve their original ambitions of having a job, own place and being settled this appeared less likely over time. A key finding from this study is that those who managed least had accepted the idea that independence was about ‘going it alone’ and proving oneself by oneself, but on the other hand, those who coped better viewed independence as being interdependence and welcomed help from others. It emerged that those who had offended had done so to achieve a sense of belonging, rejected by home and education. By desisting they moved from having some element of status and respect to then living a legitimate but often impoverished existence overshadowed by their past. This study opens up a series of questions about the pains of desistance and the pains of poverty. It is suggested that considering desistance and adulthood in terms of citizenship would emphasise the individual’s and societies interdependence so that rights, responsibilities and potential are recognised. At present, I argue that there is a mutual dismissal. Society dismisses impoverished youth and they in turn do not see that society holds anything for them. I call for renewed hope so that inaction and continued poverty and inequality are not rendered inevitable, and for criminologists to also embrace the idea of interdependence so that this issue is dealt with beyond the parameters of this field. iv v LAY ABSTRACT This thesis captures what day-to-day life is like for young people living in poverty who are often without the support of parents and are viewed as being in ‘the transition to adulthood.’ A small group were also trying to stop offending and I explored what helped or hindered them in this process. All interviewees had been receiving help from Includem’s Transitional Support, a unique service set up to help young people aged 15 to 23 years old. It was revealed that a small number never left and for those who did, many had limited to no other support in their lives and were reluctant to ask for help again even when they were in real need. Those who coped best had other support in place and accepted independence as being about interdependence. As a result of their relationships and connections they were looking forward to taking up new roles in life, such as becoming a father or going to college. Conversely, those who were managing least felt that independence was about the need to ‘go it alone’ and they did not have many relationships in their lives and were reluctant to ask for help. It is argued that this dominant idea of independence is dangerous and something that needs to be challenged in society, particularly for the benefit of those who are most vulnerable. Adulthood was defined by all as in terms of having stability and certainty with none feeling that this was achievable for them in today’s society. Although most still retained hope of achieving goals such as getting into a job, their own place and being settled, as time progressed and they stagnated, this hope became a form of ‘cruel optimism’. In response to this, a few of the young people scaled back on their hopes and thus minimised their potential but also reduced the risk of disappointment. For those who had offended, they had moved whilst offending as part of gang, from having status, respect and financial security to leading for the most part an impoverished existence. This research gives a crucial insight into the pains of desistance and the pains of poverty. There is a call for these findings to be used to help ‘turn up’ the volume and hear the voices of this population to raise questions about how we can create better policy and practice. I argue that one of the first steps to addressing these issues concerns the need to recognise potential and reach out to these young people so that they do not become a lost generation. Taking the meaning of interdependence seriously, the solutions lie beyond the parameters of criminology and criminal justice. This thesis is not about holding people to account but renewing hope for change so that poverty, inequality and leading a limited life are not rendered inevitable. Without hope inaction is inevitable. vi vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is dedicated to all the young people who took part in the study and without them this would not have been possible. They let me into their lives, homes, sharing their hopes and dreams and for this I am indebted. I would like to also thank all the workers and management at Includem, the Transitional Support Team and in particular Angela Morgan, Pamela Barnes and Michael Shanks who have been very supportive. I would like to especially thank Professor Fergus McNeill and Professor Richard Sparks who have been invaluable supervisors and inspiring, generous and insightful throughout this experience. I would also like to thank my PhD examiners Professor Stephen Farrall and Professor Lesley McAra who have helped me to push on my thinking. I am grateful for colleagues at the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research (SCCJR) for many stimulating and ongoing conversations about this and other research. Edinburgh University has a fantastic PhD community that I have been proud to be a part of and have met some great friends and thinkers. I am very appreciative of the love, support and encouragement I have had from my family and friends, too many to mention individually and feel very lucky and privileged to be surrounded by so many special people. Lastly, to my husband, Gary Brown, words cannot express or befit what your support and love has meant and means to me. Thank you. One of the key messages in this thesis is that no one is able to ‘go it alone’ and this work has been co-produced by everyone mentioned here. I hope that these discussions continue to develop and influence change for the better. viii ix TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION 1 AIM AND OBJECTIVES 6 ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTIONS 8 STRUCTURE OF THESIS 12 CHAPTER 2: POVERTY AND YOUNG ADULTS IN SCOTTISH POLICY INTRODUCTION 17 MACRO CONTEXT 17 IMPOVERISHED YOUTH 28 YOUTH JUSTICE 42 CONCLUSION 45 CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW PART I: TRANSITIONS TO ADULTHOOD INTRODUCTION 47 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD 48 YOUTH TRANSITIONS 50 TRANSITIONS AND THE IMPACT OF POVERTY 52 TRANSITIONS WITHOUT A SAFETY NET – BEING ‘LOOKED AFTER’ 60 BEYOND RESOURCES AND THE IMPORTANCE OF BELONGING 62 AGENCY, STRUCTURE AND IDENTITY 65 CONCEPTUALISING YOUNG ADULTHOOD 67 CITIZENSHIP 69 CONCLUSION 70 x CHAPTER 4: LITERATURE REVIEW PART II: ONSET, MAINTENANCE AND DESISTANCE FROM OFFENDING INTRODUCTION 73 ONSET 73 MAINTENANCE 77 DESISTANCE – A FRAGILE STATE IN AN UNCERTAIN WORLD 78 THE LIMITATIONS OF DESISTANCE 91 THE CASE FOR RENEWED HOPE 92 THE BIGGER PICTURE 93 BEYOND DESISTANCE 94 FROM DENIZEN TO CITIZEN – BEYOND DESISTANCE AND RECONCEPTUALISING ADULTHOOD 96 CONCLUSION 99 CHAPTER 5: METHODOLOGY INTRODUCTION 101 AIM AND OBJECTIVES 101 ONTOLOGICAL AND EPISTEMOLOGICAL APPROACH 103 QUALITATIVE LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH 107 ACCESSING THE SAMPLE 110 SAMPLING 112 ETHICS 113 QUALITATIVE AND NARRATIVE INTERVIEWS 122 ANALYSIS 129 MY ROLE AS A RESEARCHER 133 LIMITATIONS 137 DOING ‘JUSTICE’ TO THE PARTICIPANT’S STORIES 141 CONCLUSION 142 CHAPTER 6: FINDINGS PART I: VIEWS OF THE SERVICE AND ENDING CONTACT INTRODUCTION 145 OVERVIEW OF GROUP 145 xi VIEWS OF THE SERVICE 146 VIEWS OF LEAVING INCLUDEM 157 OUTCOMES AS A RESULT OF THE RESEARCH 168 CONCLUSION 169 CHAPTER 7: FINDINGS PART II: TRANSITIONS TO ADULTHOOD – SINK OR SAIL? INTRODUCTION 171 LOCAL CONTEXT 174 SINKING 176 MAROONED ON THE ISLAND 184 TREADING WATER 209 SAILING 212 CONCLUSION-LIMITLESS LIMINALITY 217 CHAPTER 8: FINDINGS PART III: DESISTANCE – SINK OR SAIL? INTRODUCTION 221 ONSET AND MAINTENANCE – ACHIEVING BELONGING 224 SINKING 230 ALMOST SINKING 225 MAROONED ON THE ISLAND 239 MAKING A