Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 1-1-2003 Te gustaría casarte conmigo?: generational, gender, and group size effects on Latino intermarriages Malin Louise Andersson Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd Recommended Citation Andersson, Malin Louise, "Te gustaría casarte conmigo?: generational, gender, and group size effects on Latino intermarriages" (2003). Retrospective Theses and Dissertations. 19891. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd/19891 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ~,Te gustaria casarte conmigo? Generational, gender, and group size effects on Latino intermarriages by Malin Louise Andersson A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Major: Sociology Program of Study Committee: Jan L. Flora, Major Professor Betty A. Dobratz Jerry Garcia Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2003 11 Graduate College Iowa State University This is to certify that the master's thesis of Malin Louise Andersson has met the thesis requirements of Iowa State University ~: Signatures have been redacted for privacy 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES iv LIST OF TABLES vi CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW 1 Problem Statement 2 Theoretical Overview 3 Gordon's theory of assimilation 5 Blau's social structure theory 6 Literature Review 8 Reviewing literature on intermarriages 9 Model Study 15 Hypotheses 18 Outline 20 CHAPTER 2. THE HISTORY OF LATINO IMMIGRATION 21 Mexican Immigration 23 Puerto Rican Immigration 26 Cuban Immigration 27 CentraUSouth American Immigration 29 Central American immigration 30 South American immigration 31 Dominican Immigration 32 Contemporary U.S. Inunigration Laws 34 CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY 36 Conceptualization 36 Current Population Survey 40 Variables 42 CHAPTER 4. DATA AND ANALYSIS 48 Generational Differences 48 Findings 56 Gender Differences 57 Findings 65 Group Size Differences 67 Findings 69 Concluding Thoughts 70 BIBLIOGRAPHY 73 1V LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Group size, all groups. 22 Figure 2. Length of residency, by Latino ethnicity, all groups. 25 Figure 3. Sex ratio, all Latino/as 18 years of age and older, all groups. 26 Figure 4. Intermarried and non intermarried by length of residency, all Latinos. 48 Figure 5. Intermarried and non intermarried by length of residency, Mexican origin. 49 Figure 6. Intermarried and non intermarried by length of residency, Puerto Rican origin. 50 Figure 7. Intermarried and non intermarried by length of residency, Cuban origin. 50 Figure 8. Intermarried and non intermarried by length of residency, Central/South American origin. 51 Figure 9. Intermarried and non intermarried by length of residency, other Spanish/Dominican origin. 52 Figure 10. Intermarried and non intermarried by sex, all Latinos. 57 Figure 11. Intermarried and non intermarried by sex, Mexican origin. 58 Figure 12. Intermarried and non intermarried by sex, Puerto Rican origin. 59 Figure 13. Intermarried and non intermarried by sex, Cuban origin. ~ 59 Figure 14. Intermarried and non intermarried by sex, Central/South American origin. 60 V Figure 15. Intermarried and non intermarried by sex, other Spanish/Dominican origin. 61 Figure 16. Intermarried, division by sex, all Latino groups. 62 V1 LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Intermarriage regressed on length of residency and control variables. 53 Table 2. Intermarriage regressed on sex and control variables. 63 Table 3. Intermarriage regressed on group size and control variables. 68 1 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW Researchers have predicted for many years that fifty percent of the U.S. population will consist of non-white ethnic minority groups in the early 21St century (Suarez-Orozco and Paez 2002; Johnson, Farrell, and Guinn 1997). Latinos and African Americans both make up roughly 12.5 percent of the U.S. population (Suarez-Orozco and Paez 2002). However, in early 2003, based on Bureau of the Census data, Latinos surpassed African Americans as the largest ethnic group (BBC News January 22, 2003; USA TODAI' January 21, 2003). This does not mean, though, that Latinos have not already had a significant impact on U.S. society. Mexicans in California and Texas, Puerto Ricans in New York City, and Cubans in Miami have had an impact on politics, economics, and U.S. society for quite some time. In the future, being the largest minority will likely mean that Latinos will become stronger politically, economically, and socially. Nevertheless, given the uncertainty about what the future might bring for Latinos, it is easier to gain knowledge about the community in today's society than to predict what the future might hold for this fastest growing minority in the U.S. It is true that Latinos have been present in the U.S. for centuries, but the question is, have they become a part of American society today, or are they still considered a segregated group of immigrants? How can we methodologically determine which of these two statements is true? An important sociological indicator of an immigrant group's level of assimilation into a host society is the portion of intermarriages between individuals in the dominant and immigrant group (Gordon 1964; Gurak and Fitzpatrick 1982; Arias 2001; Hwang and Saenz 1990), as intermarriage is considered to be one of the final steps in the process of assimilation. However, some researchers would disagree. For instance, Mareson 2 (1950-51) argued that intermarriage is not an index of assimilation, as an immigrant group might assimilate without experiencing high rates of intermarriages. Nevertheless, it can be argued that intermarriage is a positive indicator of assimilation, although there may be several others. Therefore, it is important to look at the portion of Latinos intermarrying non- Latinos in order to gain knowledge about whether or not the Latino community is assimilating into U.S . society. Problem Statement Between 1990 and 2000 the U.S. Latino population grew by 58 percent (Suarez- Orozco and Paez 2002). With this growing number of Latinos in U.S. society, it is timely and appropriate to study the group more intensely. These studies should include closer looks at demographics and social patterns, both as they relate to other immigrant groups' statistics and U.S . society as a whole. It would also be valuable if such studies looked at the degree to which Latinos assimilate into dominant U.S. society. Since marriage has been found to be "the most profound and lasting human relation" (Blau, Becker, Fitzpatrick 1984:591) in society, the study of intermarriage between different ethnic groups is one of many ways to look at how well assimilated immigrant groups are. This can be based on the fact that intermarriage "requires that the members of different social segments do not view one another as so alien that intimate relations are virtually inconceivable" (Blau, Becker, Fitzpatrick 1984:591), suggesting that both groups feel somewhat acculturated with the other group. Gordon (1964) suggests that ideally it is not only the immigrant group that changes to fit into the host society, but the host society also changes to better accommodate the immigrant group. Thus, 3 intermarriage has an impact on both the dominant and immigrant groups, which is why studies Of intermarriage are important in understanding the composition of both groups. However, when searching for contemporary studies within this area, with comparisons between ethnic groups within the Latino population, one notices that there is a shortage of research. Therefore, it seems that a careful study of Latino intermarriage with non-Latinos is long over due. Thus, I argue that a study of this caliber is much needed and necessary for the Latino community as well as U.S . society in order to gain more knowledge of the issue at hand. Now that the problem at hand has been stated, it is important to turn to the next part of this chapter: a theoretical overview. Theoretical Overview Even though there are several different theories to choose from when looking at intermarriage as an indicator Of assimilation, this study will follow the authors' decision in the model study by Hwang, Saenz, and Aguirre (1997)1 and use two models that have been widely recognized as appropriate when studying the phenomenon: Gordon's theory of assimilation and Blau's social structure theory. However, it is still important to briefly discuss some of the other theories, as they will give a somewhat different perspective on intermarriages. The ideas behind these theories have been put forward mainly by Portes and Rumbaut, Almaguer, and Barrera, and can be explained to give more Of an insider's, i.e. the immigrant's, viewpoint of assimilation. 1 See further discussion on the model study in this chapter, under Model study. 4 Portes and Rumbaut (2001; 1996) have developed a theoretical approach that deals mainly with the assimilation of the second generation. They argue that the degree to which children of immigrants assimilate is based on three major factors: color, geographic location, and changes in the labor markets' structures (Portes and Rumbaut 1996). They also argue that differences in assimilation patterns between different groups can be attributed to factors such as the history of the first generation immigrants, the rate at which parents and children assimilate simultaneously, the levels of difficulty in economic and cultural assimilation for the second generation, and the resources available within the family or in the community to overcome such barriers (Portes and Rumbaut 2001). Almaguer (1994) argues that in the process of racialization, which is a term used "to specify the extension of racial meaning to a previously racially unclassified relationship, social practice or group" (c.f.