Economic Thinking in an Age of Shared Prosperity

Economic Thinking in an Age of Shared Prosperity

BOOKREVIEW Economic Thinking in an Age of Shared Prosperity GRAND PURSUIT: THE STORY OF ECONOMIC GENIUS workingman’s living standards signaled the demise of the BY SYLVIA NASAR iron law and forced economists to recognize and explain the NEW YORK: SIMON & SCHUSTER, 2011, 558 PAGES phenomenon. Britain’s Alfred Marshall, popularizer of the microeconomic demand and supply curves still used today, REVIEWED BY THOMAS M. HUMPHREY was among the first to do so. He argued that competition among firms, together with their need to match their rivals’ distinctive feature of the modern capitalist cost cuts to survive, incessantly drives them to improve economy is its capacity to deliver sustainable, ever- productivity and to bid for now more productive and A rising living standards to all social classes, not just efficient workers. Such bidding raises real wages, allowing to a fortunate few. How does it do it, especially in the face labor to share with management and capital in the produc- of occasional panics, bubbles, booms, busts, inflations, tivity gains. deflations, wars, and other shocks that threaten to derail Marshall interpreted productivity gains as the accumula- shared rising prosperity? What are the mechanisms tion over time of relentless and continuous innumerable involved? Can they be improved by policy intervention? small improvements to final products and production Has the process any limits? processes. Joseph Schumpeter, who never saw an economy The history of economic thought is replete with that couldn’t be energized through unregulated credit- attempts to answer these questions. First came the pes- financed entrepreneurship, saw productivity gains as simists Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo, James Mill, and his emanating from radical, dramatic, transformative, discon- son John Stuart Mill who, on grounds that for millennia tinuous innovations that precipitate business cycles and wages had flatlined at near-starvation levels, denied that destroy old technologies, firms, and markets even as they universally shared progress was possible. The problem was create new ones. Schumpeter’s outcome, however, was much seen to be labor’s prolific reproductive capacity, which the same as Marshall’s, namely an ever growing, ever more condemned the mass of humanity to bare subsistence living. affordable volume of goods whose steadily falling prices An “iron law of wages” dictated that temporary wage rises enable all income classes, particularly the poor, to share in above subsistence equilibrium would trigger the very popu- their consumption. lation growth that eliminates the wage discrepancy. Marshall and Schumpeter highlighted innovation and Similarly, transitory wage declines below subsistence equi- technological advance. Other economists, notably Irving librium produce starvation and population shrinkage until Fisher, itemized additional necessary conditions — mone- wages return to their subsistence equilibrium along a tary and price level stability, absence of trade barriers, an perfectly elastic long-run labor supply curve. economic climate conducive to entrepreneurship (recog- Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels nized also by Schumpeter ) — required accepted the iron law of wages, albeit to ensure that the capitalist machine without its Malthusian trappings. yielded perpetual, universally shared Unwilling to blame poverty on labor’s progress. inability to prudently keep its own With these additional ingredients numbers in check rather than upon its incorporated into it, the augmented exploitation by capitalist managers, Marshall-Schumpeter model prevailed they claimed that capitalists, by threat- until the interwar period. Then came ening to replace employed hands with the destruction, mass unemployment, idle ones drawn from “the reserve army poverty, and destitution wrought by of the unemployed” huddled at factory two world wars and the Great gates, could force labor to accept sub- Depression. Capitalism came under sistence wages while appropriating all fire, and confidence in the validity and surplus value produced by labor for relevance of its explanatory model themselves. To Marx and Engels, capi- waned. talism creates great wealth, but only for Here again economists came to the the capitalist 1 percent who seize it fore. They devised powerful new from its rightful owners. theories to diagnose the economic This picture changed after the devastation and to prescribe policies to 1840s and ’50s when rises in the British remedy it so that capitalism could be 38 Region Focus | First Quarter | 2012 restored to its former prowess. Such Nasar’s command of theory Knut Wicksell, and business cycle novelties as Fisher’s compensated is adequate to her task and pioneers such as Clement Juglar and dollar plan to stabilize the general Wesley Clair Mitchell. Modern price level by adjusting the gold con- sufficient to satisfy analysts including Robert Lucas, tent of the dollar, his monetarist Thomas Sargent, James Tobin, theory of the business cycle as due economists while remaining Robert Solow, Franco Modigliani, to unanticipated fluctuations in the completely accessible to the Don Patinkin, Michael Woodford, rate of change of the price level, his and many others receive nary a famous debt-deflation theory of general reader. mention. True, Milton Friedman great depressions in which attempts makes an appearance, but mainly as to retire nominal debt result in money stock destruction and a young Keynesian in the U.S. Treasury in the early 1940s price level declines that perversely raise real debt burdens, where he devised income tax withholding at the source in and his 100 percent reserves proposal all date from this era. order to facilitate the Treasury’s quick receipt of tax So do John Maynard Keynes’ ideas of the superiority of revenues. Curiously, little is said of Friedman in his later role domestic price level stability over foreign exchange rate as the leading monetarist critic of Keynesianism, the Federal stability, of the liquidity trap, of investment and government Reserve, and big government. Likewise, little is said of spending multipliers, and of the efficacy of fiscal stimulus. Hayek’s profound postwar analysis of the price system as a Finally, there was Schumpeter’s theory of the tax state and market coordination, discovery, and information assimilat- his capital levy proposal. All these innovations to economic ing/synthesizing/economizing mechanism, although much is theorizing were designed to put the derailed capitalist said of his Road to Serfdom critique of statist planning and cornucopia back on track. Hard times called for imaginative control. Similarly, Paul Samuelson’s numerous pathbreaking responses. Economists were glad to oblige. In this way, contributions to theory are downplayed in order to highlight economic theory contributed to economic progress. his erroneous prediction of the U.S. economy’s lapse back Economic reasoning came to the aid of progress again at into depression following demobilization at the end of the end of World War II. Keynes and others, having studied World War II. And the formulators and developers of the disastrous German reparations debacle after World recent rational expectations, real business cycle, and New War I, vowed to replace punitive reprisals on the defeated Keynesian dynamic stochastic general equilibrium models nations with generous recovery assistance. Both theory and are totally ignored. experience suggested that such assistance would benefit In place of the missing economists, Nasar substitutes victor and vanquished alike. The result was the Bretton such noneconomists as Charles Dickens, the British novel- Woods system, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, ist/journalist obsessed with the Victorian problem of and the Marshall Plan, all of which witnessed the launching eradicating poverty; Henry Mayhew, a British investigative of the long postwar global expansion of 1946-2006. reporter whose 88-part newspaper series definitively Sylvia Nasar, a professor at the Columbia Graduate described the condition of London’s poor, circa 1850; and School of Journalism, former economic correspondent for most notably Beatrice Potter Webb, a founder of both the the New York Times, and author of Nobel laureate John London School of Economics and the Fabian Society. It was Forbes Nash Jr.’s biography entitled A Beautiful Mind, the Webb who, with husband Sidney, hatched the idea of a tax- only mathematician/economist’s biography ever made into financed government social safety net both as a solution to an Academy Award-winning movie, traces the foregoing the poverty issue and as a partial corrective of inequality developments and much more in her beautifully written and arising from capitalist growth, thus paving the way for intellectually compelling account of the evolution of Britain’s cradle-to-grave welfare state of the 1940s, ’50s, and economic doctrines. (The “grand pursuit” of her title refers ’60s. But perhaps Nasar’s most puzzling selection is British to the quest to discover growth’s mainsprings, “economic economist Joan Robinson, who, after co-inventing (with genius” to those who found them or at least advanced the E.H. Chamberlin) the theory of imperfect, or monopolistic, search.) As a history of economic thought, however, Nasar’s competition in the 1930s, later renounced that seminal work book, though completely captivating, is somewhat idiosyn- to become a sympathizer of the communist regimes of Stalin cratic and unconventional. Unlike standard histories, it and Mao in the Soviet

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