FROM ANGLICANISM TO AFRICAN SOCIALISM: THE ANGLICAN CHURCH AND UJAMAA IN TANZANIA 1955-2005 By WILLIAM FABIAN MNDOLWA SN 202510976 S ubmitted in Fulfilment of the Academic Requirements for the D e g r e e o f DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Subject of THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY a t t h e SCHOOL OF RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY AND CLASSICS IN THE COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU - N A T A L (Pietermaritzburg Campus) SUPERVISOR PROF. PHILIPPE DENIS PIETERMARITZBURG November 2012 DECLARATION As required by University regulations, I hereby state unambiguously that this work has not been presented at any other University or any other institution of higher learning other than the University of KwaZulu-Natal, (Pietermaritzburg Campus) and that unless specifically indicated to the contrary within the text it is my original work. ------------------------------------------------------- WILLIAM FABIAN MNDOLWA SN 202510976 29 November 2012 As candidate supervisor I hereby approve this thesis for submission ------------------------------------------------------- PROFESSOR PHILIPPE DENIS 29 November 2012 i CERTIFICATION We the undersigned declare that we have abided by the School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics in the College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu- Natal‘s policy on language editing. We also declare that earlier forms of the dissertation have been retained should they be required. ------------------------------------------------------- GARY STUART DAVID LEONARD 29 November 2012 ------------------------------------------------------- WILLIAM FABIAN MNDOLWA SN 202510976 29 November 2012 ii DEDICATION This study is first dedicated to my dear wife Chenga-Frida, and my children Msagati- Katindi, Kauye-Prisna and Tahona who endured my absence during the research period of this study. Without their sacrifice, love and support I would not have been able to achieve this great task. In respectful memory of my late ministerial colleagues, who having enriched this study with their inputs have subsequently been called home to be with their Lord: Reverend Canon Edward Kihala, Reverend Canon Paul Hardy, Dr. Joseph Ngereza, Hon. Adam Mwakanjuki, Mr. David Wakati, Hon. John Ketto. Rest eternal grant unto them, O Lord. And let light perpetual shine upon them. Finally, to all the members of the Anglican Church of Tanzania in the Diocese of Tanga who, after they had made me their bishop during the period of my field work, allowed me to continue to undertake this study. May the Lord richly bless them for their vision, tolerance and grace. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like first of all to deeply thank God Almighty whose gracious favour has, in various ways, made this study possible. I also owe a deep debt of gratitude to my lecturer and fellow students whose critical comments during the post graduate seminars of the program of History of Christianity have been a driving inspiration for this study. I especially appreciate the very generous encouragement, advice and critical comments given me by Prof. Philippe Denis, my supervisor. His genuine supervision, prayers and friendship have made this work possible. I also wish to thank the officials of the Anglican Church of Canada who, through their love of the African church, granted me a four year scholarship which has helped me to undertake this study successfully. My deep gratitude goes to Dr. Andrea Mann and Mrs Claudia Alverez of the Anglican Church of Canada. I also acknowledge the contribution given to this study by Rev. Gary S. D. Leonard and Rev. Can. Walter Gould who helped me with language editing and proof reading respectively. Archbishop Douglas Hambidge, Archbishop John Ramadhani, Rev. Can. Fergus King, Rev. Can. John Cornish and his family, the family of Rev. Can. Walter Gould, Dr. John Chesworth, Denise Wilson and Lindsay Spencer supported my overseas‘ field work and I therefore thank them too. I am particularly appreciative of the help given by the librarians and archivists in all places I visited during the course of collecting data. In Tanzania, these included Segerea Senior Seminary Library, The East Africana Collection of the Library of the University of Dar es Salaam, Archbishop John Sepeku Library in Dar es Salaam, and Bagamoyo and Tabora Roman Catholic archives. In Australia, the State Library of New South Wales in Sydney supported my work with enthusiasm. Trinity College and Bristol University in Bristol, Cecil Rhodes Library in Oxford, Hereford Cathedral Library, Canterbury Library and Lambeth Palace Library in the United Kingdom were all very encouraging. The National Archive in Nairobi, Kenya, the archive of the Anglican Church of Kenya in Nairobi and the archive of the archbishop of Uganda at the Uganda Christian University at Mukono were also very supportive. iv Many Christians whom I may not be able to mention individually have helped me in the course of collecting data for this study. Bishops, clergy, laity, Anglicans, non- Anglicans, Christians and non-Christians have devotedly contributed to the success of this study. My students and fellow lecturers at St. Mark's Centre made innumerable helpful suggestions that have strengthened my work. Their thoughts and suggestions of how to locate various specific sources have helped to shape my focus and thus simplified my reading as well as the interviews. In this area, I appreciate the personal efforts given by Hon. Raphael Shempemba, Rev. Can. Eliya Singano and Mrs Catherine H. M. Kivanda. Tahona, my son was born at the beginning of the writing up of this study. He deserved fatherly love and care. However, because I needed to complete this work, he missed it. Therefore, I would like to express my deep gratitude to him. Kauye, my mother, encouraged me to learn about the church. Although she is resting with her ancestors, I believe her love for Jesus Christ and His church and her continuing prayers has made this work possible. v ABSTRACT My intention in this study was to assess the response of the ‗Anglican Church‘1 of Tanzania to Ujamaa2.Using archives and interviews as sources, I explored the reactions of Anglicans to the struggle for independence, the new regime and Ujamaa. I also explored the response of the political elite to these Anglicans' reactions to the new regime and Ujamaa. Furthermore, I investigated the consequences experienced by the church after the fall of Ujamaa in Tanzania. It emerged that when Tanganyika and Zanzibar had received their independence, the new African state authorities made rigorous changes so that their countries would reflect African identities. These efforts included an increase in the number of Africans in civil services (replacing Europeans and Indians), modification or changes of names of towns and cities, and the introduction of new policies. Named as Africanisation,3 this development had far reaching impacts on the establishment of the two countries. They merged to form the United Republic of Tanzania and then declared Ujamaa the state policy. Ujamaa, which derived its meaning from the Kiswahili word Jamaa (a family member within an extended family whose utu (humanity) became meaningful only through watu (the community)4 was the choice because it signified ‗Tanzanian extended family‘— mtu ni watu (I am because we are). President Nyerere urged every individual, institution, the church included, to work for and live up to the 1 The structure of the ‗Anglican Church‘ in Tanzania kept changing constantly as the church developed over the years. This change in structure created a methodological dilemma namely how to refer to ‗the church‘ in any given context. This dilemma was also expressed by G.R. Evans and J. Robert Wright (eds.), The Anglican Tradition: A Handbook of Sources, London: SPCK, 1991, pp.489-490. I decided to use the term 'church' in this present study to represent BCMS, UMCA and CMSA missions before they merged to form the Church of the Province of East Africa. I keep the phrase the ‗Anglican Church of Tanzania‘ in inveted comas because the church came to be known as an Anglican Church after the fall of Ujamaa. 2 Ujamaa was a foreign word but because I used it several times in this thesis, I only italicised it here where I introduced it for the first time. 3 I derived my definition of Africanisation from Bishop Trevor Huddleston. See my quotation from RHL/UMCA-USPG/A Large Freedom: The Review of the Work of 1963, May 1964, p. 10 on chapter three and operation definitions of this study. 4 Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa wa Tanzania na Dini: Hotuba aliyoitoa Rais Julius K. Nyerere siku ya kufungua Semina ya viongozi wa madhehebu mbalimbali ya Dini huko Tabora, Jumatatu tarehe 27/7/1970. Translation is mine. vi Ujamaa goals.5 At a conference with religious leaders at Tabora, for example, Nyerere challenged the leaders to review the European inherited ‗traditions‘ of their churches which, according to him, were in conflict with the Ujamaa which the state was trying to promote.6 Although there were some reservations,7 the Anglican missions which became the state church of the colonial regime after World War I were faced with two crucial challenges. First was a demand for reorientation of their loyalty from the colonial government to the new state authority and the goals of Ujamaa. The discussion in chapters two, three, four and five of this study focused on this demand. Second was the whole question of whether Ujamaa was compatible with the Anglicanism they were propagating. This question was fully discussed in chapter six of this study. This study showed that changes, especially the ones which touched spiritual aspects of the people, were not easily received and that was what had brought the challenges which the church experienced. This was clearly analysed in chapter seven and the concluding chapter. KEY TERMS: Afrikanisation; Anglicanism; Arusha Declaration; British rule; Church of the Province of East Africa; Colonialism; CMS; Julius K. Nyerere; Socialism; Tanganyika; Tanzania; Uhuru, Ujamaa; Ujamaa na Kujitegemea; Ujamaa Villages; UMCA; Viligialisation; Zanzibar; Zanzibar Resolution.