<p>The Language Situation in Botswana Lydia Nyati-Ramahobo Faculty of Education, University of Botswana, Private Bag 0022, Gaborone, Botswana This monograph provides an overview of the language situation in Botswana.1 It describes the language profile of the country, including the number of languages anddialects spoken, the number of speakers of each language and the various roles eachlanguage plays in society. The paper provides a historical development of languagein-education policies. The objectives of learning,methods of assessmentand language use in the media also are examined. The third part of the monograph describeslanguage planning and implementation efforts and the agencies involved in the planning process and the development of legislation. There is tension between policy formulation and implementation, and an imbalance in social justice.Majority communities are treatedasminority communities based on the language(s) they speak.While pressure from the civil society has led government to make progressive policy decisions, there is no intrinsic motivation for their implementation. Non-governmental organisations are encouraged by these positive policy decisions but their efforts are frustratedby covertly negative attitudes to change from the leadership.There is a need for commitment from the leadership to support the preservation of all languages spoken in Botswana. Currently an assimilationist model permeates the social, economic, political and cultural aspects of life in Botswana. Introduction Themonograph has elements of a descriptive study and a case study, in that it describes the language situation in Botswana. Specifically, it describes the language profile of Botswana, the spread of Setswana, language planning and policy activities and both formal and informal efforts to promote and preserve the languages of the country. Data utilised for this work were collected from January 1989 to September 1990. This data collection process covered language planning activities since independence, mainly in the period between 1977 to 1990, when government was in the process of implementing the recommendations of the first National Commission on Education (NCE 1). The Commission had reviewed the education system from independence until 1976. It completed its work in 1977 and its recommendations, contained in the Government White Paper No.1 of 1977: National Policy on Education, were endorsed by Parliament in August of the same year (Republic of Botswana, 1977).Data for thismonograph were further updated between June 1996 and May 1998. This was after the completion of thework of the Second NationalCommission on Education (NCE 2). This Commission reviewed the education system between 1978 and 1991.The subsequent endorsement of its recommendations, contained in the Government White Paper No.2 of 1994: The Revised National Policy on Education (RNPE), came out in 1994 (Republic of Botswana, 1994). These two documents provide language policy directions as part of the overall education policy. The study also has utilised data thatwere collected for the Directory of Language Bodies in Eastern 1466-4208/00/02 0243-58 $16.00/0 ©2000 L. Nyati-Ramahobo CURRENT ISSUES IN LANGUAGE PLANNING Vol.1, No.2, 2000 243 The Language Situation in Botswana and Southern Africa coordinated by Kamanakao Association on behalf of the International Development Research Center, Nairobi office, from January to September 1999. The study therefore presents the language situation in Botswana as it was up to October 1999. Formal interviews with policy makers and practitioners in the schools provided the data for the formulation and implementation of the language policies in education and society. Observations fromsocial domains, social services, the media and the Government Printer’s Department provided data for the implementation of the language policy in society and the use of Setswana and English by the government.An analysis of policy documents and literature in the areas of language planning, bilingual education, literacy, religion, the media and historical accounts has provided baseline data on language policy formulation and implementation by both government and non-governmental organisations. The editors of Current Issues in Language Planning have provided a format for the presentation of this data to facilitate comparability with other polities. Background Botswana is situated in the centre of Southern Africa. It shares borders with Zimbabwe, to the east,Namibia to the west and part of the north, South Africa to the south and Zambia to the north (Map 1). It is landlocked and most of its goods come through South African seaports. It straddles the Tropic of Capricorn in the Southern African plateau (Republic of Botswana, 1997: 8:3). Botswana is about 1000mabove sea level and the land area is 582,000km2 (222,000 sq.miles), about the size of Kenya or France. Most of Botswana is flat with a fewrocky outcrops and undulations (Republic of Botswana, 1997: 8:3). In the north-west district is the Okavango Delta, an area of wetlands measuring 16,000 km2 (6106 sq. miles) (Tlou, 1985), with a variety of wildlife and birds. To the west is the Kalahari desert also blessed with wildlife. In the central part of the country are theMakgadikgadi saltpans. All of these areas attract tourists.The climate is often described as arid or semi-arid as the country is situated close to the high-pressure belt of the southern hemisphere. The minimum rainfall ranges between 250 mm in the south-west and 650 mm in the north-east. Most rains come between December and March. There aremainly two seasons:winter (May to July) and summer (August to April). Minimum temperatures range between 33 degrees Celsius in January and 22 degrees in July (96–74º F).Maximum temperatures range between 43 degrees and 32 degrees Celsius (116–74º F). Botswana’s economy is largely supported by the mining industry. At independence, Botswana was considered one of the poorest countries of the world. However, in 1967,diamonds were discovered atOrapa, one of the largest known kimberlites in the world, and later at Letlhakane and Jwaneng. Copper and nickel were also discovered at Selibe-Phikwe. Currently Botswana has three diamondmines, two copper and nickel smelters, a coalmine, soda ash and a salt extractionplant. Mining has transformed the economy to one of the fastest growing in Africa. Available data indicates that in 1994/95 mineral resources contributed 34% of the gross domestic product (GDP) and 74.9% of the country’s export earnings. It also contributed over 50% of government revenues (Republic of Botswana, 1997). The beef industry has contributed to the economy as well. For 244 Current Issues in Language Planning instance, in 1994/95, it contributed 3.7% of the GDP, a decline from the record 40% before the mining era. Most of the beef is sold to the European Union. The population of Botswana remains rural and a large part of it depends on agriculture for its living, mainly subsistence farming, crop production and cattle rearing. Agriculture also contributes about two per cent of formal employment. Other sources of revenue are manufacturing, tourism, transport and construction. There are efforts to diversify the economy to reduce dependency on diamonds. These efforts include encouraging foreign investments in areas such as manufacturing and tourism. Before the advent of the British to Botswana, the system of governance was through chieftainship. Each tribe had a chiefwith absolute powers (Somolekae& Lekorwe, 1998). Some tribes,which lived in smaller groups,would have a leader for each group with absolute powers,whomtheywould refer to as chief or elder. Chieftainship is hereditary fromthemale line inmost Setswana speaking tribes. The chief’s eldest son would inherit the position. Inmatrilineal tribes, such as the The Language Situation in Botswana 245 Map 1 Botswana’s location in Southern Africa and other features (Wayeyi areas, mining towns) Wayeyi, chieftainship was hereditary from the female line. In other words, the chieftainship would pass to the chief’s sister’s eldest son. Chiefs command a lot of respect amongst their people and other tribes. A chief had responsibilities for his people aswell. He had to protect his people fromwar,hunger and other natural disasters. He was to perform ceremonies to launch the hunting and the ploughing seasons. He was a medicine man who would perform certain religious practices for his people to protect them from disease and mishap. He would also marry people, distribute land, and mediate disputes (Mgadla & Campbell, 1989; Mgadla, 1998). Naturally, a chief would have assistants in the form of sub-chiefs. In most cases, these would be close relatives. He would also have his mophato (a team of his age peers). The chief had to be generous, sensitive to the rule of lawand had to live up to the expectations of his people. The expression kgosi ke kgosi ka batho (a chief is only a chief because of his people) was the fundamental principle. Without the support of his people, he was nothing, and so it was critical for him not to abuse his powers. In January 1885, the British enforced an Order in Council that declared their intention to occupy southern Botswana. In 1890, this order was extended to the northern part of the country, and actual colonial rule began. The motive behind the order was to keep the Germans from occupying the area as had already occurred in South-West Africa in 1884 (Ramsay, 1998). Through this order, Britain informed Botswana chiefs that the Britishwere coming to protect them from the Germans. This meant that the protectorate was actually imposed on the chiefs; it was not requested as has been stated in some historical accounts (Ramsay, 1998).Three of the chiefswere summoned to England for consultations on the acceptance of the protectorate. These were Kgosi (Chief) Khama III of the Bamangwato tribe in the Central District, Chief Gaseitsiwe I of the Bangwaketse tribe in the south-western part of the country and Chief Sechele I of the Bakwena tribe. While Khama III embraced the idea, the others accepted it with some degree of reluctance (Ramsay, 1998). During the period between 1885 and 1965 the countrywas known as the Bechuanaland Protectorate. The British divided it into nine reserves each led by its chief. While traditionally the chiefs had had complete legislative, executive and judicial powers, the Order in Council of 1890 transferred those powers to the British High Commissioner. The chiefs were no longer recognised as the ‘sovereigns of the soil’. Land concessionswere awarded to the British South African Company, which came in and forced out other companies. Queen Victoria was regarded as the ‘sovereign of the soil’. Another Order in Council of 1891 gave more legislative powers to the High Commissioner to enact laws for the administration of justice. However, he was cautioned to be sensitive to native laws as long as they were not in conflict with the interests of the British. In 1895, the three chiefs previously mentioned sent a petition to London, resisting the erosion of their powers on their own lands, but this was ignored. By this time, their role had been reduced to the collection of a hut tax to raise funds for the running of the colony. In 1934 the most direct piece of legislation, the Native Administration Proclamation, was introduced; it reduced the powers of chiefs and changed Tswana custom and law. It required the chief’s successor to be appointed by the whole tribe and to be recognised by the High Commissioner (Somolekae & Lekorwe, 1998). This eroded the hereditary aspect of chieftainship and subjected the appointment of the chief to the 246 Current Issues in Language Planning approval of the High Commissioner. It enabled the British to select chiefs who were sympathetic to their interests and not necessarily to those of their people. Consequently, the High Commissioner could hire and fire chiefs. The Native Tribunal ProclamationNo. 75 of 1934 further eroded the legislative and judicial powers of chiefs. Chiefs’ responsibility to hear cases of rape, murder and homicide was removed. These powers were maintained after independence and the essence of all these pieces of legislation are still alive within the current regulations. Chiefs and sub-chiefs are employees of theMinistry of Local Government which has the power to dismiss them. The constitution of Botswana provides every citizen with fundamental rights and freedoms. It is based on the four national principles of democracy, unity, development, and self-reliance. Elections are held every five years. It provides for the legislative, executive and judicial structure (Figure 1). The legislative The Language Situation in Botswana 247 Permanent Secretary to the President Attorney General’s Chamber Office of the President Administrator of Justice Clerk of National Assembly Cabinet The Executive The JudiciaThe Legislature ry National Assembly H.E. The President Court of Appeal High Court Magistrates Courts THE CONSTITUTION H.E. The President VP House of Chiefs M i n i s t r i e s Figure 1 Top central government in Botswana structure consists of the national assembly, composed of 40 members of Parliament, one fromeach constituency. In addition to electedmembers of Parliament, four are especially elected by Parliament to provide for special skills and expertise critical to the proceedings of Parliament.Thiswas the situationin Parliament after the October 1999 elections. The number of women increased from two to eight, four ofwhomareministers, two are assistantministers and twowere especially elected. The legislative branch also contains the House of Chiefs. Currently there are 15 members of the House. Eight of them are Paramount Chiefs of the eight Setswana speaking tribes (see Table 1 in Note 1),meaning that they are chiefs by birth. Four are elected sub-chiefs from areas where languages other than 248 Current Issues in Language Planning Map 2 Botswana tribal distribution by district (Source: Nyati-Ramahobo, 1999a: 83) Setswana are spoken that do not fall under any of the eight Paramount Chiefs; these include the North-east, Kgalagadi, Gantsi and Chobe districts (Map 2). Those tribes in the North-west, including the Hambukushu, Herero, Subia, Wayeyi, Baciriku (Baqcereku), and Basarwa are represented and ruled by the Batawana and are regarded as such (Map 2). The House elects three additional members by special election. Tribes, whose members do not speak Setswana as mother tongue, are not allowed to be represented by their Paramount Chiefs. They have to be represented by someone who speaks Setswana as a first language. This is an attempt to assimilate everyone into the Setswana language and culture. TheHouse ofChiefs is highly symbolic, as its role is to express the total culture of the country and to influence policy from a cultural point of view. The current composition of the House has been challenged since independence as it denies other ethnic groups the opportunity to contribute to the decision-making process. Furthermore, it violates the democratic principle of representation. The continued imposition of chiefs and sub-chiefs fromone tribe on another has been amatter of contention since independence. In someareas of the country, even for some of the eight so-called major tribes, tribe members are ruled by others. This has provoked some resistance; for example, the Bakgatla living in the Bakwena area are resisting the Bakwena rule and the Barolong in the Bangwaketsi area are also resisting Bangwaketsi rule.Many observers have called for an increase in the numbers in the House of Chiefs to make it more inclusive (Molutsi, 1998a). The issue of chieftainship has also been highly politicised. Since most people in the country still hold their chiefs in respect, they tend to vote for the party to which their chief is sympathetic.As chiefs are governmentemployees, they naturally pay allegiance to the government. This is one of the factors that has led Botswana to be described as a one party state (Molutsi, 1994). Under these circumstances, there is little prospect for other parties to gain widespread support.As long as people respect their chiefs as the custodians of their cultures, and as long as the ruling party ensures the loyalty of all civil servants, the status quo is likely to remain (Molutsi, 1998b). Chiefs who have not showed sympathy for the ruling party have been intimidated. For instance, the paramount chief of the Bangwaketsi, Chief Seepapitso IV, has been a supporter of the opposition Botswana National Front (BNF), and that area supports the BNF. Having supported the opposition for a long time, the Minister for Local Government suspended him in 1994 (Somolekae & Lekorwe, 1998). It was only after a court battle that he was returned to a position of power. As chieftainship is related to ethnicity and language, it is against the above background that government continues to promote an assimilationist policy. If everyone were Tswana speaking, then everybody would be loyal to the ruling party, as long as it is led by aMongwato (Table 1, see Note 1). After the death of Seretse Khama, the first president of Botswana, who was the chief of the Bamangwato tribe, President Masire who is a Mongwaketsi had to appease the Bamangwatoby appointing Seretse’s cousin, Lenyeletsi Seretse to the Vice-Presidency. Equally, in 1999 President Mogae had to appease the Bamangwato by appointing Seretse Khama’s son, Ian Khama to the Vice-Presidency. Ian Khama was also expected to use his chieftainship to the Bamangwato throne and his father’s charisma to win the elections for the ruling party, which had lost face in The Language Situation in Botswana 249 the 1994 general elections. Issues of ethnicity, language and chieftainship will continue to dominate the political debate in the country. The modernist assimilationist model enshrined within Sections 77 to 79 of the constitution, the Chieftainship Act and the Tribal Land Territories Act fosters their continued prominence. The legislative wing of government is therefore made up of the National Assembly and the House of Chiefs (Figure 1). There is also the Speaker of the NationalAssemblywho is elected by the assembly. The AttorneyGeneral is also selected from the National Assembly to advise Parliament on legal matters. The secondwing of theGovernment is the Executive. It is made up of the President and his cabinetministers and the Permanent Secretary to thePresidentwho is in charge of the civil service. Finally, there is the Judiciary, which includes the Court of Appeal, theHigh Court, theMagistrateCourts and the Administratorof Justice (Figure 1). Part I: The Language Profile of Botswana Theoretical Framework Skutnabb-Kangas&Phillipson (1989)describe language rights as existing ona continuum fromassimilationto maintenance.On this continuum, there are laws and regulations, which may prohibit, tolerate, prescribe non-discrimination, permit or promote the use ofminority languages, either overtly or covertly.They give the United States as an example of a covert assimilation-prohibition situation based on Senator Huddleston’s draft English language amendment which reads ‘The English language shall be the official language of the United States’ (Skutnabb-Kangas, 1990: 27). This proposed legislation was meant to assimilate all other groups to English and prohibit them from using their own languages. Other languages are not mentioned and that means that they are indirectly or covertly prohibited.2 An assimilation-tolerancemodel exists when the lawprescribes one language but provides room for other languages without any commitment to them. An example of thismodel is Zimbabwe where minority languages such as Karanga are used on the radio without any commitment to their development for use in other social domains. An example of a maintenance-permission continuum on the other hand, is South Africa. The Freedom Charter of 1955, also upheld in the current legislation, stated that ‘All people shallhave equal rights to use their own languages, and to develop their own folk culture and customs’. The intention is tomaintain asmanylanguages as possible, hence permitting theirdevelopment. In the discussion in Part III of this monograph, I note that the constitution of Botswana is silent on language policy. However, Sections 61(d) and 79(c) of the constitution state that the ability to speak and read English are requirements for onetobe amember of theHouseof Chiefs or theNationalAssembly. This indicates that English is the only language that is permitted for use in Parliament and the House of Chiefs. The constitution therefore covertly prohibits the use of other languages. In 1998, Setswana was permitted to be used in Parliament; this was a 250 Current Issues in Language Planning move from prohibition to tolerance for Setswana on the assimilation continuum. However, the use of other languages is still prohibited. The Botswana case, therefore, can best be described as assimilation prohibition, in which speakers of other languages are prohibited from using their languageswhile having to assimilate to Setswana and English. Practice over the past 33 years further indicates that only SetswanaandEnglish arepermitted for use in socialdomains including education. Le Roux (1997) has described three types of assimilation. The first he calls assimilation, a one-way process in which minority groups give up their languages, cultures and traditions and assume those of the dominant group. He calls thismodel the ‘ice-creamplus salt theory’. The second is, amalgamation, also called the melting pot, another type of assimilationinwhichminority andmajority cultures mix to form a new and unique culture, with characteristics distinct from the original cultures. Finally, he describes structural assimilation or the ‘blender’ approach inwhich there is total rejection of any kind of grouping on the basis of religion, language, ethnicity and so on. This is also called the ‘open community’ ideology. Under this approach, groups have no rights and individual rights are regarded as the core of social order. Proponents of this approach believe that group rights restrict individual rights to some extent, and they regard assimilation and amalgamation as anti-pluralistic. As this monograph demonstrates, the Botswana government has adopted the assimilationapproach in which speakers of languages other than Setswana must assimilate into the culture of Setswana speaking groups. Ruiz (1984) proposed three orientations towards language planning. These are: language as a problem, a resource or a right. He believes that ‘basic orientations toward language and its role in society influence the nature of language planning efforts in any particular context’ (Ruiz, 1984: 15). He defines orientations as a ‘complex of dispositions toward language and its role – which are related to language attitudes in that they constitute the framework in which attitudes are formed’ (Ruiz, 1984: 16). Orientations are largely at the subconscious level but could be inferred from existing policies and practices. As Table 2 indicates, how language planners view language determines the strategies they employ to address language problems. …When language planners view language diversity as a problem, they adopt the assimilationmodel. In status planning their goalwould be to eradicate minority languages and corpus planning activities would be characterised by the development of the national language only and neglect ofminority languages. Under the influence of this orientation, acquisition planning activitieswould involve teaching and developing materials in the national language only. …When planners or policymakers view language as a right, their status planning activities would include the recognition of minority languages and give overt permission to speakers of those languages to use them. In corpus planning, efforts would be made to develop and standardise minority languages to facilitate acquisition planning. Children speaking minority languages would be allowed to learn in their mother tongue. …When linguistic diversity is viewed as a resource, policy statements in status planning would be geared towards the development, preservation The Language Situation in Botswana 251 and use of as many languages as possible. More languages would be given functions within the life of the nation, such as for use in churches, voting, the media and many other social domains, as is the case in South Africa. Corpus planners would then develop written forms of as many languages as possible. Acquisition planning process would produce teaching materials to facilitate learning of these various languages. Table 2 indicates the relationship between language planning orientations, goals and types of planning. Nyati-Ramahobo (1999a) maintains that language planning in Botswana has been influenced by the orientationof language diversity being viewed as problem, in which minority languages, cultures and identitiesmust be eradicated. All children must learn Setswana and use it as medium of instruction. Theymust assimilate to the Setswana language and culture. Democracy demands that group rights be granted and, consequently, groups such the youth,womenand the disabled are supported. Similarlyminoritygroup rights have to be toleratedandgroups should be allowed to form registered organisations along ethnic and linguistic lines. Such rights would create tensions between an assimilationist model and democracy. One of the reasons why ethnic identities have not disappeared is that within a democracy people can no longer be imprisoned for developing and using their languages. This issue is discussed further in the role of non-governmental organisations in language maintenance in Part Four of this monograph. Major and minor languages English is the official language of Botswana. It permeates the social, economic and cultural lives of all educated Batswanaandthe government prefers theuse of 252 Current Issues in Language Planning Table 2 Language planning types, orientations and goals (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1998b: 55) Orientations Problem Right Resource Goals: Assimilation Linguistic affirmation Linguistic pluralism Types Status planning (Language functions) Minority eradication Recognise minority Preserve and develop as many languages as possible Corpus planning (Language structure) Standardisation of the national language only and neglect of minority language Graphisation and standardisation of minority languages Extension of minority languages lexically and sociolinguistically Acquisition planning (Language learning) Curriculum development and teaching of the national language only; learning in minority languages Curriculum development and teaching and learning in minority languages Human resource development, material production, literacy skills English to any other language in the country. Setswana is the main language of Botswana. Some scholars estimate that it is spoken by about 80% of the population as a first language (Obondo-Okoyo & Sabone, 1986, also refer to Map 1). Others maintain that, taken individually, most Tswana speaking tribes are minorities in Botswana,while collectively they may or may not form a majority over non-Tswana tribes taken together (Mpho, 1987). For instance, Parsons (1985: 27) maintains that the concept of Tswanadomthat is both philosophical and territorial has led many observers to assume that Botswana is amono-ethnic state . . . [but] only in so far as the Tswana minority has successfully imposed its culture on the majority population of the extreme diverse origins…[and even then] ethnic identities have not disappeared. However, because of this imposition, speakers of the eight dialects,whichmake up the Setswana language, are regarded as themajority tribes in the country. The Chieftainship Act, Cap.41: 01 (Republic of Botswana, 1965) states that ‘tribe means, the Bamangwato Tribe, the Batawana Tribe, the Bakgatla Tribe, the Bakwena Tribe, the Bangwaketse Tribe, the Bamalete Tribe, the Barolong Tribe and the Batlokwa Tribe’ (41:3) (refer to Table 1, Category one). The Tribal Territories Act (Cap.32: 03 (Republic of Botswana, 1965) also defines tribal territory with respect to these tribes meaning that only those tribes are sovereigns of the land.Most of these tribes originated fromSouthAfrica during theDifaqanewars in the 1820s and 1830s (Tlou &Campbell, 1984: 101;Ncqocqo, 1979;Ramsayet al., 1996: 61). The Bakwena, Bangwato and Bangwaketsi are the descendants of Malope (Tlou, 1998),which in the 1800s became separate tribes by the Difaqane wars. Currently, the Bangwaketsi live in the south-western part of Botswana while the Bangwato (or the Bamangwato) live in the central and the Bakwena in the southern part (Map 2). About 10%of the population nowspeak Setswana as a second language (Obondo-Okoyo & Sabone, 1986). Other tribes speak languages that are regarded as sub-dialects of Setswana. However, the speakers regard themselves as autonomous tribes. These are the Babirwa, Batswapong, Bahurutshe, Bakhurutshe and Bapedi. Most of these tribes also originated from South Africa and live on the eastern border of Botswana with South Africa. By 1800, the Bapedi had settled throughout the Central District, and in 1913 the Bakhurutshemoved to the interior of the Central District (Ramsay et al., 1996: 15). The Bahurutshe live in the Kweneng District closer to the Southern border of the two countries (Table 1, Category 2 and 3). Other language groups include Bakalaka, Basarwa, Wayeyi, Hambukushu, Baherero, Basubiya, Baciriku, Bakgalagadi, Bakgothu, Bashaga and Banabjwa (Map 2, also Table 1,Category 3). It is estimated that these groupsmake up about 15 to 20%of the population (Obondo-Okoyo & Sabone, 1986; Janson& Tsonope, 1991: 86–7). They speak different languages that are neither related to Setswana normutually intelligible. The Basarwagroup ismade up of about seventeen San ethnic groups who speak different languages (Appendix 1). All the tribes described in the previous paragraph are regarded as minority tribes. The terms minority and majority have, by definition, no numerical significance in Botswana.What determineswhether a tribe ismajor orminor iswhether it belongs to one of the eight Setswana tribes and speak one of the eight Setswana The Language Situation in Botswana 253 dialects. For instance, the Bakalaka are believed to be the largest tribe in the CentralDistrict, and yet they are regarded as a minority tribe because they speak Ikalanga, which is not related to Setswana. TheWayeyi constitute about 40% of the population of theNgamiland district (Anderson & Janson, 1997; also refer to Kamanakaoweb-site in the reference section). By contrast, the Batawana constitute one per cent of the population and yet the former are regarded as aminority tribe and the latter as a majority tribe. The Batawana rule over theWayeyi, and the Batawana Paramount Chief represents the Wayeyi in the House of Chiefs. The government does not recognise theWayeyi ParamountChief and thismatter is presently before the High Court. The Balete and Batlokwa have small populations occupying one village, and yet they are regarded asmajority tribes and are represented by their Paramount Chiefs in the House of Chiefs. The general pattern is that Setswana speaking groups rule over all the non-Setswana tribes. The village capital of the major tribe is the capital of all the other tribes nearest to it. It is the place where government services are provided irrespective of the distance to be travelled. This is the way in which linguistic imperialism has penetrated the social and economic lives of those tribes which do not speak Setswana as a first language. In all nationalevents, themajor culture portrayed is that of the eight major tribes. Minority languages and cultures are suppressed and their use in public domains is discouraged. These policies are meant to foster national unity and a national cultural identity. They are congruent with an assimilationist model and are underpinned by an orientation that views linguistic and cultural diversityas a problem and a threat to national unity. Language of religion Amanze (1998: 1) maintains that ‘traditional religion is a living faith among Batswana today’. This is so because ‘they have revived and continued to observe a great number of their religious beliefs and practices some of which were attacked by the early missionaries as evil and detrimental to the spiritual life of Batswana’. He further observes that people in Africa are ‘born, live and die in their traditional religions’ (1998: 2). A recent newspaper report has indicated most Batswana, including the highly educated, still rely on traditional medicine (The Voice, Friday, 21May 1998). Traditionalmedicine is closely related to traditional religion. It is this religion that protects the people from witchcraft, sorcery, drought, uncertainty, disease, misfortune and other physical, spiritual, economic and social phenomena (Amanze, 1998: 3). Like most Africans, Batswana believe in one supreme being (Modimo in Setswana,Urezha in Shiyeyi (Tlou, 1985),orNyambe in Thimbukushu or Nzimu in Ikalanga. For all ethnic groups in Botswana this one God is always described in anthropomorphic terms. He can see, hear, get angry, forgive, answer and so on. This is reflected in given names of people such as Oarabile (He has answered). They also believe in ancestral spirits (Badimo) in Setswana, or Wazumu in Shiyeyi. The dead are considered to continue to exist in a spiritual form, and they serve as the mediator between the living and God. The spirits can also neglect or punish the living; they can forgive, protect and come closer to them in times of need. When they are angry theymay bring disease, misfortune, or death. Certain practices need to be followed tomake them happy. These practices have stoodthe test of time and people in towns go to villages on weekends to perform such rites. 254 Current Issues in Language Planning This phenomenon has maintained a strong bond between the working class in towns and their traditionalvillages.While some practices such as initiation ceremonies have ceased, those practices related to health and fortune continue despite attempts by the missionaries to abolish them. Some of the practices include birth rites to protect the child fromdisease and bad spirits andmarriage rites to ensure that the couples do not divorce. The priesthood in the African religion includes diviners, medicine men and rainmakers. Chiefs also hold religious powers. During colonial rule, the British overtly banned some religious practices. They felt that practices such as bogwera (male initiation) took a lot of the chiefs’ time from their work for the colony. For instance, in 1931 Kgosi Sebele II of the Bakwena tribe, a traditionalist, wanted to follow the bogwera which one was required in order to be a chief or a respected male adult (Ramsay, 1987). The British collaboratedwith his relatives who were against his policy of promoting commoners to chieftainship duties. They used their complaints tomake Sebele II a political prisoner. The real reasonwas that he insisted on practising bogwera. Currently, only the Kgosi Linchwe II Kgafela of the Bakgatla still practises bogwera.As chiefs are now elected and not necessarily born into ruling positions, their religious powers have been reduced. They act only as clients to medicinemenwho strengthen them and protect them from evil and opposition. In 1998 the Wayeyi informed Kgosi Tawana that theywould like to have their own chief. He said in a kgotla3meeting ‘I am not afraid that youwill take my chair [meaning chieftainship seat] because I have put some powerful charms under it and no one can take it away’ (Davies, 1998). It was not Kgosi Tawana but the medicine men who provided the charms, and that was understood by the Wayeyi. Chiefs no longer have powers to bring rain and provide good harvest for their people. They have lost their religious powers. Missionaries from the London Missionary Society (LMS) came to Bechuanaland (Botswana) in the first half of the 18th century to spread Christianity. The missionaries’ first task was to convert each of the Paramount Chiefs of the eight major tribes to Christianity. This practice resulted in the LMS playing a major role in the development of Setswana both in Botswana and in South Africa. Itwas the first language south of Ethiopia to have a translation of the Bible, a task that was completed by the 1850s (Parsons, 1998). The LMS built three senior secondary schools in Botswana that still operate today: Moeding and Moeng Colleges and Maun Secondary School. They also built hospitals, which continue to provide medical care. During this period the use of Setswana in religion was obvious, as morning prayers in schools and hospitals were conducted in Setswana.When deacons and other church leaders visited hospitals to pray for the sick, the services were conducted in Setswana. After independence, morning prayers in schools began to be conducted in English. Christianity has therefore played a major role in the promotion of Setswana and English in the church and in the exclusion of other languages in accordance with the assimilationistmodel. Chiefs were often tutored by missionaries or local priests who were trained by and worked for missionaries. For instance, Kgosi Seepapitso II of the Bangwaketsiwas tutored as a child by Moruti (Preacher)MothowagaeMotlogelwa of the LMS and later went to Lovedale Institute, a missionary school in South Africa. Religion therefore played a significant role, not only in building schools but also in schooling the chiefs and teaching them English. This was helpful in The Language Situation in Botswana 255 maintaining traditionalways, as some dikgosi (chiefs) like Seepapitso used their education to resist some of the changes the British wanted to implement. Like Sebele, hewas a traditionalistwho believed in Christianity without abandoning Tswana lawand custom(Ramsay, 1987). He spoke English very well and consequently was able to put his point of view to the British. As he himselfwas fluent in English, he did not oppose its use in the church along with translations into Setswana. While the majority of the people in Botswana believe in their ancestral sprits, Christianity is the official religion in the country.About 176Christiandenominations are represented in Botswana (Amanze, 1994).Other religions such asBahai, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism are also present (Table 3). Amongst the Christian churches there are three types (Amanze, 1998: ix): the mission churches (30.5%),which came because of missionarywork in Africa, the Pentecostal churches (6.58%) and independent churches (64.93%), mainly of African or specifically Tswana origin (Sic, percentages add to more than 100%in the original). The latter are mostly a blend ofWestern and African philosophies of religion. The independent churches have upheld the African religions and traditions. Within the mission churches, the largest is the Roman Catholic Church with 47,000 members followed by the Lutheran church with 24,000 members (Amanze, 1994).A denominational classificationofChristian churches in Botswana includes: Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Presbyterian, Anglican, Congregational, Methodist, Baptist, Seventh Day Adventist, Pentecostal and Independent churches (Amanze, 1999). Their approaches to religion include the apostolic, the prophetic, the evangelical and the spiritual.While traditional religious acts such as drinking, concubinage, pre-marital sex, polygamy, and smoking were not banned, most churches, including independent churches, discourage such practices, of coursewith varying degrees of success. The methods of worship, more especially in independent churches, have blended both Western and African styles. Dress is formal as it is in theWest but the proceedings include African styles such as hand clapping, drumming, dancing and the use of African music. Religion has increased the use of Setswana and English.Astudy conducted by Nyati-Ramahobo (1991) concluded that most churches use English and Setswana, with the former playing amajor role in the proceedings of the church. For instance, in the United CongregationalChurch of Southern Africa (UCCSA), the main message of the sermon is delivered in English with translations into 256 Current Issues in Language Planning Table 3 Religions and their membership Religion Membership % Christians 392, 035 30.00 Bahai 5,000 0.38 Muslims 3,848 0.23 Hindus 2,000 0.15 Buddhists 150 0.01 Sikhs 144 0.01 Source: Amanze (1988: x) Setswana. Batswana ministers in urban areas use English to deliver their messages. In making announcements, the secretary may use his/her discretion as to which announcements are to be in both Setswana and English and which ones are to be monolingual in Setswana. The church choir sings hymns both in Setswana and English, while the congregation sings hymns in Setswana. The Scripturemay be read in Setswana or English, but not necessarily the same text in both languages. The increase in the use of English in urban churches is a result of an increase in the number of younger church leaders and of a greater participation of younger parishioners in church activities. However, Setswana is dominant in rural churches. In the spirit of the assimilationistmodel inwhich language diversity is viewed as a threat to peace, minority languages are rarely used in church. However, in the 1980s the Lutheran Bible Translators based at Aurora, Illinois and the BotswanaChristian Council have played a significant role in the development of minority languages such as Ikalanga as discussed below. The translation of the New Testament into Hambukushu and Ikalanga has led to the informal use of these languages in some churches in the north-east and north-west of the country. The development of the Shiyeyi orthography has resulted in the translation of some hymns into Shiyeyi. These hymns are sung at some funeral services. Increasingly religion is playing a crucial role in the development of minority languages and their gradual introduction into rural churches which otherwise use Setswana in their proceedings. Membership of other religions is essentially composed of foreigners who usemainly English except for Islam andHinduism, which use Arabic or Indian languages. Socio-linguistic Complexity of the Country Since independence, the national population and housing census has not included data on the ethnic and/or linguistic composition of the country. Since linguistic diversity is regarded as a problem, such data might promote ethnic awareness and disrupt the assimilation process. Implied in this practice is the promotion of national identity over ethnic identity. Another reason is that, with the definition ofmajority andminority being non-numerically determined, such data would quickly bring to the attention of the people the fact that what the government regards as major ethnic groups are actually a numerical minority. This absence of ethnic and/or linguistic informationin the census has hampered easy access to empirical and scientific data that would provide an accurate description of the socio-linguistic complexity of the country. Because of this problem, scholarswho haveworked on the various languages and ethnic groups of Botswana have based their information on estimates. Table 4 presents census data from pre-independence in one district, Ngamiland (Map 2). The 1936 and 1946 censuses were the last to include ethnicity (Tlou, 1985, from Shapera, 1959). These figures can only serve as a rough guide as these ethnic groups are also represented in other parts of the country,while other ethnic groups are not represented in this district. Table 4 indicates that theWayeyi were themost numerous group in both periods, and yet by government definition they are considered a minority tribe. Tlou (1985) cautions against the use of census figures during that period since The Language Situation in Botswana 257 only major villages were included. The census for 1946 may have been done during theploughing seasonwhenmost peoplewere away in the fields. Another possible explanation for the decrease between 1936 and 1946was that the count was conducted at the height of the conflict between the Bayei (Wayeyi) and Batawana, just before the 1948 court case. During that period most minority groups were intimidated and were forced to identify themselves as the Batawana.This seems tomake sense in that the Batawanapopulationwas seen to have increased but others (like BaYei, Hambukushu and BaKgalagadi) had decreased. Mpho (1987) presents figures for the 1946 census in the Central District (see Table 5). The Kalanga were the most numerous in this reserve, and yet at independence they were declared a minority and their language was banned from use in school since itwas not Setswana, and recognising itwould not promote the concept of Tswanadom. Table 6 provides post-independence figures along with the most recent estimates by scholars.The compilation in Batibo et al. (1997) has relied on Anderson and Janson’s estimates. The figures forWayeyi could be higher due to denial of Shiyeyi identity by manyWayeyi at that time. In fact Anderson & Janson (1997: 73) estimate that the Wayeyi could be between 28,000 and 37,000. While the denial syndrome is not exclusive to theWayeyi, the Batawanamore extensively subjected themto slavery thanany other tribe.Most of them have become assimilated and cannot speak Shiyeyi, while others speak it but do not admit that they do due to the low status of the language through its association with slavery. However, thingsmay have changed slightly since 1995,after the formationof the Kamanakao Association (see Part IV). The figures for the BaHerero could be much lower. They immigrated to Botswana in 1904/05 (Anderson & Janson, 258 Current Issues in Language Planning Table 4 Population in Ngamiland by ethnic group in 1936 and 1946 Bantu 1936 (census) 1946 (census) BaGcereku – 1,513 BaHerero 2,933 5,798 BaKalaka – 728 BaKgalagadi 2,270 1,918 BaRotsi – 744 BaSarwa 3,067 3,704 BaSotho – 42 BaSubiya – 486 BaTawana 7072 8,124 Bayei/Wayeyi/Bayeyi 16,496 13,261 Hambukushu 5,919 5,286 Matebele – 103 Others 4,402 – Total 42,158 41,707 Source: Tlou (1985: 9) 1997) but continued to consider themselves to be Namibians. After Namibia’s independence in 1996, somemoved back,while others remained in various parts of Botswana.The 1991 population census indicated that 54%of the population of Botswana live in the rural areas (Central StatisticsOffice, 1995: 5).Due to the lack The Language Situation in Botswana 259 Table 5 Population of the Bamangwato Reserve (now Central District, see Map 1) Group Population Bakalaka 22,777 spalphaBamangwato 20,159 Batswapong 11,237 Babirwa 9,636 San 9,567 Bakhurutshe 5,441 Bakgalagadi 3,963 Batalaote 3,538 Bakaa 3,055 Bapedi 2,572 Baphaleng 2,409 OvaHerero 1,013 Balozi 1,006 Bakwena 892 Baseleka 889 Banajwa 844 Bayei/Wayeyi/Bayeyi 724 Table 6 Estimated number of speakers Ethnic Group Population & per cent of population Batibo et al. (1997) Anderson & Janson (1997) BaHerero 31,000 (1.7) 31,000 (2.2) BaKalaka 150,000 (11) 150,000 (11) BaKgalagadi 15,000 (1.4) 10,000+ (?) BaSarwa (Khoisan) 39,800 (2.8) 40,000 (4) BaSubiya 7,000 (0.5) 7,000 (0.5) BaYei/Wayeyi/Bayeyi 20,000 (1.4) 37,000 (4) Hambukushu 8,000 (0.6) 6,000+ Batswana* 1,100,000 (79) 1,100,000+ (80) Others 20,000 (1.4) – Totals 1,390,800 1,381,000 *Batswana refers to the eight dialects spoken by the eight so-called major tribes. There have been no data on the numbers for each of these tribes for the past 63 years. of reliable data, it is difficult to estimate the percentages of each ethnic group living in rural or urban areas. The numbers in Table 6 should be treated with great caution; they are estimates based on the 1936 and 1946 census figures for theNgamiland and Central Districts only. The discrepancy in the totals confirms that these are only estimates. It is not possible to use figures that are 63 years old to work out current figures, especially in a situation in which language shift has been accelerated by deliberate policies. Smieja andMathangwane (1999) have also discussed the rate of language shift; Sommer and Vossen (1995) suggest that estimates such as these may not be reliable. Language shift suggests a shift in self-perception and identity. The 1991 census did not include ethnic or linguistic information. Secondly, Batibo and his colleagues relied heavily on Anderson and Janson’s figures. Hence, they do not provide an alternative level of analysis. Part II: Language Spread Development of Language-in-education Policies Education provision after independence During the Colonial period, education was provided by only four mission schools. Few people had access to these schools and at independence there was an acute shortage of manpower to lead the country. The education sector has experienced a tremendous amount of expansion during the past 33 years, in terms ofnumber of students, schools and teachers. In 1974, eight years after independence, the first President, Sir Seretse Khama, appointed a commission to assess the entire education system andmake recommendations for implementation. The National Commission on Education (NCE 1), chaired by Professor TorsenHusen, thenDirector of the Institute for InternationalEducation at Stockholm, started its work in 1975 and brought it to completion in 1977. One of the major findings of this exercise was that the education sector was expanding in terms of student enrolment (Table 7). However, a number of problems were identified including lowachievement rates.TheCommissionstated that ‘schools are not even achieving their narrow academic objectives well’ (NCE 1977a: 18). The system was based on European models and has not been changed to accommodate local needs in terms of curriculum content. Assessmentwas basically used for selection into the next level, and ultimately preparing learners for white-collar jobs. The rapid expansion in enrolment at the primary level (74%) and at secondary school (a six-fold increase between 1966 and 1976), imposed a greater demand for increases in teacher training, buildings, equipment and administrative levels. Thus,whilemore children were coming into the education system, not enough was happening to provide for their education. There was a shortage ofmanpower in the Ministry of Education. Consequently, schoolswere not inspected on a regular basis. There was no curriculum review being carried out and goals and policies meant to improve the system were not being implemented. The other problem identified was that the Ministry of Education had 260 Current Issues in Language Planning focused on secondary and higher education in terms of quality issues while primary education was neglected; for instance, most teachers at the primary school level were not trained. They were also disparities between urban and rural areas in terms of the provision of education. For instance, in rural areas most children had to walk long distances to get to a school, and sometimes they had tomove to a different village to go to school.Therewere alsomore untrained teachers in rural schools and poorer facilities. Finally, children in rural areas speak non-school languages and have problems comprehending instruction in the national language. The Commissionmade recommendations to address some of the most pressing issues facing the education system at that time. Amongst these were the following. (1) The need to give priority to primary education as the foundation for other levels of education; specifically to attend to both quantitative and qualitative issues at this level eg, the curriculum should ensure that each child acquires basic literacy and numeracy skills. (2) An increase in opportunity to enter junior secondary education in several ways was recommended, including part-time study, lifting age restriction to entrance, expansion of facilities, and the development of teacher training colleges and more schools. It also recommended the development of a coherent system between technical and vocational education. (3) The examination marks for Setswana should be included in the Primary School Leaving Examinations’ (PSLE) mark, and a compensatory programme should be developed for children who speak other languages. (4) The education system should foster the four national principles of development: self-reliance, unity, and democracy –which culminate in the philosophy of Kagisano (social justice). The report this Commission produced was called Education for Kagisano, and the accepted recommendations are contained in Government White PaperNo. 1, theNational Policy on Education, passed by Parliament in August, 1977. The Language Situation in Botswana 261 Table 7 School enrolment: 1966–1976 Year Primary Secondary University 1966 71,546 1531 0 1967 71,577 1854 0 1968 78,963 2299 0 1969 82,214 3099 0 1970 83,002 3905 0 1971 78,442 4740 42 1972 81,662 5564 70 1973 95,511 6152 132 1974 103,711 7055 201 1975 116,293 8434 289 1976 125,588 9558 465 Source: National Commission on Education (1977: 14) (5) The Commission recommended a change in the education structure from 7:3:3:4to 7:2:3.4(primary, junior secondary,senior secondaryanduniversity). (6) The Commission recommended the Establishment of the Department of Curriculum Development and Evaluation. (7) The Commission also made recommendations on the use of Setswana as medium of instruction and other language related issues. These will be discussed in detail in the following sectiononlanguage-in-education policies. From 1977 to 1992, the Ministry of Education (Figure 2) tried to implement the recommendations of the first National Commission on Education and deliver education for social justice. In 1992, the second President, Sir Ketumile Masire, appointed the second National Commission on Education (NCE 2), to reassess the entire system and indicate its strengths and weaknesses with a view to forging a way forward into the nextmillennium. This thrust developed in light of the fact that there had been many societal, economic, political and cultural changes since 1977. Mr Ponatshego H. Kedikilwe, then Minister of Presidential Affairs and Public Administration, chaired this Commission. He was the Minister of Education, and many people thought that he had the opportunity to implement his own recommendations. However, he later resigned his cabinet post. The Commission started itswork in April 1992 and completed it in 1994. It identifies key areas where improvements had taken place since the last Commission and areas that needed attention within the system. The following improvements were reported to have taken place: …enrolments had continued to expand (Table 8); …the Department of Curriculum Development and Evaluation had been established, and the curriculum was generally sensitive to the philosophy of Kagisano; …therewere great improvements in the curriculum and new teachingmethods and approaches had been put in place to facilitate learning; …universal access to primary education had been achieved and there was greater access to junior secondary education (Figure 3); …the Department of Primary Education had been established at the University of Botswana in 1981 to train teachers to diploma level and education officers to degree level. Thus there was a steady decrease in the number of untrained teachers from 38.6% in 1978 to 13.3% in 1991. The following areas still remained problematic: 262 Current Issues in Language Planning Table 8 Education enrolment 1979–1991 Year Primary Junior Secondary Senior Secondary University 1979 156,664 14,165 2,551 – 1984 209,772 23,500 3,864 – 1988 261,352 27,989 12,368 – 1991 298,812 52,866 22,496 – 1997/98 8,302 Sources: National Commission on Education (1993); Central Statuistics Office (1999) …access to senior secondaryeducationwas still a problem (NCE 2, 1993:148); …there was still need for equity in the provision of education between rural and urban areas; …therewas still an imbalance in the provision of education between secondary and primary education. Primary school teachers still had no housing, the schools were not electrified and therewas still a shortage of classrooms. These problems still persist today. There are still large numbers of untrained teachers found in primary schools. The Commission then made recommendations in four major areas: (1) Equity: Not only was equity necessary between rural and urban areas, and between primary and secondary education, but also for children with special abilities or disabilities in and out of school education, and by gender. The Language Situation in Botswana 263 The Honorable Minister of Education Permanent Secretary University of Botswana Coordinator of RNPE* Exams, Research & Testing Planning, Statistics & Research Deputy Permanent Sec. (Support Services) Deputy Permanent Sec. (Educ. Dev. Serv.) External Agencies MLGH Other Ministries DEPARTMENTS DEPARTMENTS * The Revised Policy on Education Figure 2 Structure of the Ministry of Education It noted the high access rate to primary education by girls, but their high drop-out rate at junior and senior secondary level. It further noted the under-representation of females in science-related areas at tertiary level. Some of the recommendations in this area, including the use of mother tongue at pre-school level and upon demand at primary level,were rejected by Parliament, and hence are not contained in Appendix 2. (2) Quality:Academic achievement at primary schoolwas still very low, with a slight improvement at secondary level over the years. The Commission further recommended that the education system should now address quality issues and reintroduce the 7:3:2:4 system. The development of the teach- 264 Current Issues in Language Planning Pre-School Currently not in Place (only run by NGOs) Age 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 Adult Basic Education (National Literacy Programme) Primary School Standard 1–7 (7 Years) Senior Secondary Form 4–5 (2 Years) Tertiary Institutions Vocational Training Level Distance Education and Part-Time Study Junior Secondary School Form 1–3 (3 Years) Early Childhood Education Primary Secondary Tertiary World ofWork Figure 3 Structure of education and training ing profession has been identified as the main strategy for addressing the quality of education as teachers have the greatest impact on performance. This development should include enhancing the status of teachers, providing better working conditions and incentives and improving teacher-training programmes. (3) School management: The Commission noted that poorly managed schools performed poorly, and recommended measures to address this matter. For instance, the role of head teacherswas to be clearly defined as instructional leaders and the appropriate training was to be provided. (4) Finance: The Commission noted that the education system required cost recovery and effective financing systems.The development of educational managers and review of the delivery system are critical to improving education. A total of 134 recommendationswere made and those which were accepted are contained theGovernmentWhite PaperNo. 2 called the RevisedNational Policy on Education (RNPE) passed by theNational Assembly in April 1994. Since then efforts have been geared towards implementing these recommendations. Those recommendations dealing with language are provided in Appendix 2. The latest available data is for 1997, and this does not indicate how the system has been performing since the report. However, it indicatesminority-dominated areas such asKgalagadi,Ngwaketse, Kweneng, Gantsi andNgamiland have the highest number of school drop-outs, the highest repetition rates, the highest number of untrained teachers and the greatest shortage of classrooms (Central Statistics Office, 1999: 24, 30,36). Language-in-education policies At independence in 1966, there was no clear policy regarding the medium of instruction in schools. However, there was a general understanding that English (the official language, required by the constitution) would constitute themediumof instruction.Due to the relatively lowqualifications of teachers, and their inability to communicate in English, the use of Setswana was tolerated in lower grades.Other languages, such as Ikalanga,whichwere taught in school before independence, were banned from use in school at independence. The policy assumed the use of English as the medium of instruction at all levels, with tolerance for Setswana when communication problems occurred in Standards 1 and 2. On the other hand, practice indicated that teachers actually code-switched between Setswana and English throughout the primary and secondary school levels (NCE, 1977a). Practice further indicated that in the North-east District, Ikalanga continued to be used as an informal medium of instruction in schools despite its ban. Despite this reality, some officials in the Ministry of Education continued to believe that English was the essential medium of instruction. More efforts and resources were, therefore, allocated towards the improvement of the teaching of English and its use as themedium of instruction rather than Setswana, which was at that time a non-examinable subject. The FirstNational Commission on Education (NCE 1, 1977a: 76) viewed this situation as one that neglected the national language. It noted that: The Language Situation in Botswana 265 The introductionof English as amedium of instructionas early as Standard 3 …clearly discriminated against the national language. The Commission feels strongly that every nation ought to give a prominent place to its language in its education system. The Commissionfurther argued that first language education facilitates not only early concept formation but also the acquisition of other languages. The Commission then recommended the use of Setswana for the first four years of primary education. However, it did not make any recommendations on the use of minority languages in education, but rather recommended that a compensatory programme should be developed for children who speak other languages. Komarek & Keatimilwe (1988) conducted a feasibility study for the programme. They recommended a transitional model of bilingual education, from mother tongue to Setswana and to English for areas where Setswana is not spoken as mother tongue. However, the government did not accept this recommendation, as it would have contradicted the policy of assimilation. The second National Commission on Education (NCE 2, 1993: 113) reduced the number of years for Setswana as medium of instruction from four years to one. This Commission felt that ‘[t]he present language policy denies the child mastering of themain language needed for better achievement in primary school and in further education and in working life’. The Commission viewed first language education as hindering the child’s access to the language of business, which is English. The argument had little to do with the role of the first language in the learning process. It also ignored the reality that, before the 1977 policy, low academic achievement characterised the education system and yet English was assumed to be the medium of instruction at that time. Hence, first language use could not be solely responsible for lowachievement. ThisCommission,however, recommended the use of the first language, including minority languages, at pre-primary education, but the recommendation was rejected by Parliament. The language planning processes in Botswana are influenced by an orientation which views language diversity as a problem, a reversal or negation of democratic gains, a threat to unity, social harmony and to development (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1991: 201). The first President, Sir Seretse Khama, informed the nation that his party ‘stands for a gradual but sure evolution of a nation state …to which tribal groups will, while in existence, take secondary place’ (Carter&Morgan, 1980: 291). In 1989 the second President, Sir KetumileMasire, asked Batswana …not to spoil the prevailing peace and unity in the country by fighting for ethnic language groupings to take precedence over Setswana, and that tribes insisting that their languages become media of instruction within their respective areas would break up the nation. (Botswana Daily News, 30 June 1989, no 123:1) These statements reflect an overt prohibition of the use of other languages. President Mogae, then Vice-President, visited the villages of Dukwe and Mosetse in theCentralDistrict to diffuse tension between the Bamangwatoand the Bakalaka tribes after twosub-chiefs from the former were imposed on the latter.Ajournalist reporting on the visit wrote: 266 Current Issues in Language Planning He [Mogae] is reported to have told residents ofDukwi andMosetse that all people who live in the Central District should consider themselves Bangwato, thus justifying Ngwato hegemony over tribes like Basarwa, Bakalaka, Babirwa, Batswapong and others. …Mogae failed a leadership test. This was an opportunity for him to rise to the occasion and concede that there is indeed a rather skewed constitutionalarrangement. Instead,he continued the tradition of pandering to the whims of the ‘principal’ tribes. There is sufficient evidence that advocates of tribal equality are all for national unity, but not at the expense of their integrity. (Moeti, 1998: 9) This is clearly the assimilatory model of ‘ice-cream plus salt’. The President is saying these tribes have tomelt and give up their cultures and completely assimilate into the Ngwato culture. It is overt prohibition of the actualisation of the cultures of these people. The trendwithin the ruling BotswanaDemocratic Party is to uphold the constitution,discriminating as itmay be, and thosewho point to this problem are quickly labelled ‘tribalistic’ and ‘engineers of ethnic conflict’. For fear of being labeled as such, critics tend to remain silent. Because of the push for monolingualismandmonoculturalismby the ruling party, the Revised National Policy on Education, approved by Parliament in April 1994, contains only those recommendations of the NCE 2 which deal with teaching of Setswana and English (see Appendix 2). It is worth noting that,while the new policy has advocated the use of English as the medium of instruction (18(a)) at the expense of Setswana, the rest of the recommendations advocate the use of Setswana in education. Recommendation 3, which calls for the formulation of a comprehensive language policy, could possibly promote Setswana in other social domains, such as business, technology, government, law and in the political structures. It is also worth noting that recommendationnumber 46(b) assumes that job opportunities requiring competence in Setswana are available. Research indicates that such job requirements are currently rarely found in advertisements as compared to those requiring competence in English (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1991). This practice constitutes a major demotivating factor for both learners and teachers of Setswana. The economic use of Setswanamust diversify beyond radio announcers, court interpreters and teachers to accommodate Setswana as a language of socialmobility and consequently, must absorb the products of the education system.A comprehensive language policy will have to take this issue very seriously in order to facilitate the implementation of recommendations 31 and 46(b). Five years after the approval of the policy, none of the recommendations has been implemented, except that preparations are currently underway to implement 18(a), dealing with the use of English at Standard 2. More resources continue to be directed towards the use of English in all social domains including education. This practice has led scholars and citizens to believe that the government is pushing for monolingualism in English and, to some extent, recognition of the role of Setswana. The language-in-education policy therefore relates to the specific use of Setswana and English in education. Since none of the recommendations of the NCE 2 have been implemented, theNCE 1 policy concerning medium of instruction is still in place. Setswana is therefore themedium of instruction in Standards The Language Situation in Botswana 267 1 to 4 while English is taught as a subject in those grades. English then becomes the medium of instruction in Standard 5 and extends through the tertiary level, while Setswana is taught as a subject (Republic of Botswana, 1977: 4). This policy applies to all government schools in the country. Private schools use English as the medium of instruction from Standard 1 onward, but they have a flexible policy on the number of years they teach Setswana as a subject. Since independence, a credit in English has been a requirement in order to matriculate. However, there are plans to change this policy as from the year 2000. Access to the university requires a pass in English except for science subjects. A degree in Setswana is offered in English and a pass in English is required to enter the programme. The assimilationmodel,which is guided by the orientation viewing language diversity as a problem, is quite evident in the language-in-education policy. There is an overt prohibition of the use of other languages for learning. Subsequently, minority dominated areas continue to be educationally disadvantaged. The overemphasis onEnglish ismeant to expose learners to the language of technology, social mobility and globalisation. There is tension, therefore, in balancing the role of the various local languages against Setswana on the one hand, and between Setswana and English on the other hand. Arthur (1996: 46) argues that this ‘inequality reflects and perpetuates hierarchical language values in Botswana society, as does the official exclusion of languages other than English and Setswana from classroom use’. English is most valued and most people would report that they speak it even if they cannot (Vossen, 1988). This is further reflected in the allocation of resources in which English receives the greatest share in terms of qualified teachers, time tabling and, of course, policy direction. Setswana is second, though policy direction and its recent use in Parliament recognises it as the national language. Minority languages are the least valued and are addressed neither by policy nor by practice. Wolfson & Manes (1985) argue that one’s native language is so much a part of one’s identity that to denigrate it is effectively to deny one’s human ability to communicate (foreword). Devaluing one’s language is equivalent to devaluing that person. In this regard, assimilationist policies that deny children the opportunity to learn in their mother tongue are viewed as inhuman. Objectives and assessment Syllabi are prepared by Curriculum Development Officers (CDOs) in the Ministry of Education’s Department of Curriculum Development and Evaluation. Some of the responsibilities of CDOs include setting out the broad goals of the syllabus, aswell as advice on howmaterials are to be used in the teaching and learning situation to achieve the objectives of the syllabus. The objectives of the Setswana and English syllabi are quite similar and can be summarised as follows. Both syllabi are written in English: …to help children in acquiring the very necessaryskills of listening, speaking, reading and writing; …to ensure that children apply these skills in communicating in their environment, with other children, adults and the mass media; …to serve as a basis for further education; 268 Current Issues in Language Planning …to lay a sound foundation for the growth of Setswana and English as the media of instruction; …to promote creativity on the part of children; …to encourage the study and preservation of Setswana culture; …to help children appreciate that good spoken Setswana will be acquired at home as well as at school; …to provide a curriculum that will strengthen Setswana as an important instrument in nation building (Ministry of Education, 1982: 1). Data from interviews indicate that the main purpose of teaching Setswana is cultural identity and early concept formation. It is believed that cultural identity and preservation will be achieved if books arewritten in Setswana for children in Standards 1 to 4 (old policy, NCE 1) or in Standard 1 only (new policy, NCE 2). The question of early concept formation seems to be defined as early as Standard 4. The purpose of teaching English is that it is the language ofwider communication, business and the world of work. The methodology for teaching both Setswana and English is said to be the communicative approach. The decision to change to this approach came as a recommendation from the first NCE, which thought that language teaching concentrated on grammar and proverbs at the expense of literacy skills of reading and writing. The rationale for this approach is that ‘we don’t expect children to analyse the language before they can use it’ (Ramatsui, 30 July 1989, personal communication). It is also necessary for the ten years of the basic education programme,which seeks to provide children with skills they need in their daily lives. The communicative syllabi, developed after the Commission’s recommendation, came out in 1982 providing a few communicative topics, but remained largely structural.However, the syllabi were further revised in 1995. Books that were developed by publishing companies in 1998 for handling the new syllabi were based on the communicative approach to teaching and assessment. These have only been used in schools for one year so far, hence their impact and relevance has not yet been assessed. Examinations are taken after seven years of primary schooling, three years of junior secondary and two years of senior secondary education. The first Commission had recommended continuous assessment and remedial teaching to enhance performance. These recommendations have not been implemented. The achievement of universal primary education and ten years of basic education have meant that the primary school leaving examinations (PSLE) have ceased to be a selection tool.About 95.3%of students proceed to junior secondary school (Central Statistics Office, 1999: xiv). Consequently, examinations have changed fromnormreference to criterion reference. A child’s performance is not compared with other children, but with a set of criteria. The new syllabi emphasise that assessment techniques should focus on finding out whether children can read, write, speak and listen. The teacher should focus on assessing students’ ability to read for different purposes, to write on different topics for different audiences, to listen and speak in different situations. If children can perform these four language skills as defined for each skill objective for each grade level, it automatically means they have the ability to use language rules at the competence required at the equivalent grade level. The new The Language Situation in Botswana 269 syllabus further states that continuous assessment should be an integral part of the language assessment procedure. For instance, students should be assessed based on the number of books they have voluntarily read, written reports and talked about in class.Criterion-reference testing should be useful especially if the skill objectives are to be used as the assessment criteria. This type of testing was implemented for the first time in 1997 and there is a general belief that performance has improved (Central Statistics Office, 1999: 107). The overall pass rate has improved when grades C and D form part of the aggregate. However,when only A and B grades are used to formthe overall pass grade there is no improvement. It is appropriate to include students in grades C and D as they are also admissible to junior secondary school. While the official approach to language teaching is communicative, there is evidence that assessment has continued to reflect the structural approach, even in the wake of criterion-reference testing that has been adopted for all subjects. All primary school leaving examinations and all other examinations (except for the subject Setswana) at secondary school level are in English. The attainment tests for mathematics, English and science which are written at the end of Standard 4 are in Setswana. Tests on the subject English are written in the English language. The tests are meant ‘to determine whether children have achieved basic literacy in Setswana and basic competence in English and Mathematics’ (Republic of Botswana, 1977: 4). However, it is not a pass-or-fail test as there is a policy of automatic promotion.Rather, the Standard4 attainment test is meant to curb the shortcomings of the automatic promotion policy in the sense that it is intended to identify those children who need extra help before they proceed to, or when they enter, Standard 5. It is, however, reported that remedial work is not always provided since teachers either are not trained in remedial teaching or do not have enough time to do it (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1999a). Media Languages The role of themedia in national life in Botswanadates back to 1850s (Sechele, 1998). It was part of whatwas called the ‘Tswana Press’ in South Africa. Sechele reports that the Tswana Press was: …a journalismthatwas based on the Setswana language in the areas occupied by Setswana-speaking people of Bechuanaland protectorate (now Botswana), Northern Cape, the former Transvaal, and the former Orange Free State in South Africa. (p. 412) The printed press written in Setswana contributed to the spread of Christianity and the acquisition of literacy skills. It also contributed to the quality of life of Batswana by providing information on events around them. For instance, in 1886, a newspaper called Mahoko a Bechuana published an article about a white manwho delayed village development by selling liquor to the Bakgalagadi tribe in Lehututu (South Africa). The Abantu-Batho (People) which reported in Zulu and Setswana played a major role in developing political awareness in the African masses and became a strong organ of the African National Congress. There were also newspapers based in Bechuanaland: Lesedi la Sechaba (the light of the nation), which was based in the Kgatleng district, the Lebone la Bechuana (the 270 Current Issues in Language Planning lamp of Tswana people) and Naledi ya Batswana (the star of the Batswana). Botswana’s second President, Sir Masire Ketumile was a reporter for the latter. This paper reported on the chieftainship issue between the Batawana and the Bayeyi in 1948. All these papers reported in Setswana.While there was no overt prohibition of the use of other languages, there was no overt permission nor promotion of these languages in the media either, because the missionaries had only codified Setswana. It is not clear why, but the Setswana language press no longer exists, not even in South Africa. There are currently eight private newspapers in the country. All of them are written in English. One of them includes pages in Setswana and a column in Ikalanga. They circulate mainly in larger villages and towns. Since their birth in 1982, the independent media have provided an alternative voice in a country dominated by government media (Sechele, 1998). Many believe that the independent media have exposed corruption, political arrogance, insensitivity, lack of transparency and accountability on the part of government (Grant & Egner, 1989).Most people believe that itwas thismedia coverage that led to the increase in opposition seats in Parliament from three to thirteen in the 1994 general elections (Sechele, 1998). The independent media continued to serve this function in the 1999 general elections. The landslidewin by the ruling party is attributed not to the fact that Batswana have gained confidence in that party but rather to in-fighting and the subsequent split of the opposition party twelve months before the general elections. The ruling party is viewed by many as having run out of strategies to win elections other than to divide the opposition party. The twelve constituencies that the oppositionwon in 1994 still voted for the opposition in 1999, despite the split. A stronger opposition would have weakened the ruling party even more thanin 1994.Themedia is seen as central in strengthening democracy in Botswana. However, the media have problems which limit their impact. These include the lowlevels of literacy in rural areas, self-censorship by some editors for fear of victimisation, lack of facilities, untrained staff and insufficient motivation on the part of reporters. The language policy which promotes English and to some extent Setswana limits the effective flow of information to the rural areas. As a result, voter and AIDS education are limited to towns and major villages (Sechele, 1998). Legislation has also limited the freedom of the press. For instance, in 1995 the Directorate onCorruption and Economic CrimeActwas put in place to prohibit journalists fromreporting on cases that are still under investigation. The Directorate investigates white-collar crimes, including those that might be committed by ministers. TheGovernment Printer provides a special service specifically for the government. It prints all government documents. Government ministries and departments place orders which are entered in a register indicating the date the order was placed, the type of job to be done, the number required and the date the order was collected. The Ministries of Agriculture, Commerce and Health were selected for a study to find out the language in which the government communicates with the general public. The Ministry of Agriculture was a suitable choice since a large portion of the population depends on agriculture,whichmakes up a significant part of the economy. In 1982 the government, through the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, introduced the Financial Assistance Policy (FAP) to The Language Situation in Botswana 271 encourage ordinary citizens to start small-scale businesses by lending them money. This policy was designed to create employment opportunities and to help Batswana to take part in the business world (Republic of Botswana, 1985: 239). One might expect, as a consequence of this policy, that an increase in communication between the government and the general public, informing them about these programmes, about how to get started and about future plans, would occur.The Ministry ofHealthis an agency thatdealswith issues that affect the whole population, not just a segment of it, and especially within the framework of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Thus communication with the people about health matters is vital and inevitable. Data collected from the three ministries indicated that 61%of the documents for public consumption in the Ministry of Agriculture were written completely in English, while 95% of those for the Ministry of Commerce and Industry were written in English aswell. These English documents included all the formswhich members of the public have to complete when applying for financial assistance. TheMinistry of Health hadmore bilingual documents (42%) than those either in English or Setswana. Within the three governmentministries, themain language is English. Thus 100%of the documentswhich were not for public consumption, were in English,while 59%of the documentsmeant forpublic consumptionwere also in English. The government, therefore, communicates on health, agriculture and commercial issues to the general public in written English. For instance, it is not unusual to find health posterswritten in English in themost remote areas of the country. The forms designed to obtain financial assistance are all in English, irrespective of the level of education of the applicant (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1991). This situation is unlikely to change in the next decade. Programmes aired each week by the government-owned stations were analyzed to find out the language of broadcasting. The private radio station, which focuses on the needs of the youth, broadcasts mainly (70%) in English. Data on the two government stations indicated that 36 (42%) programmes were in Setswana, 19 (22%) in English and 30 (35%) were in both Setswana and English. An analysis of the programmes generated by each of the threeministries previously mentionedwas carried out. The results indicated that 62%of the total number of programmes in the three selected ministries were in Setswana. The government also owns one newspaper, the Daily News. That newspaper consists of eight pages, of which six and a half arewritten in English. The last one and half pages are translations into Setswana ofmaterial on the previous pages. The government therefore communicates with the general public mainly in English. It is worth noting that the newspaper does not reach the more remote areas of the country; as a consequence, only people in major villages and towns have access to the paper. Based on the data about the newspaper and radio, it may be concluded that the government seems to prefer Setswana on the radio and English inwritten format.Only these two languages areused in the media. The government has been reluctant to provide radio licences for privately owned radio stations. For many years, people were made to believe that the Office of the President was responsible for issuing such licences. This office in turn kept informing the public that no legislation exists to allow such licencing. When a young lawyer, Patrick Gunda, took the government to court on this matter in 1994, it became clear that the Botswana Telecommunications Corpora- 272 Current Issues in Language Planning tion was chargedwith that responsibility. Previous references to the Office of the President were meant to discourage privately owned radio stations, where government censorshipwould bemore difficult. Stations could also broadcast in minority languages.Mr Gunda lost his bid for a radio stationlicence, as his application indicated the intended use ofminority languages. This suggests that there is a covert prohibition on the use of minority languages in the media. Many attribute the rampant spread ofHIV/AIDS in the country to the lack of relevant information in the languages in which people have high comprehension ability. Other educational campaigns on issues of national interest also do not reach the people. Crucialmessages reach only about 40%of the population, and this inefficiency in communication inevitably affects development. Immigration Themovement of the Bakalaka tribe fromZimbabwe andparts of SouthAfrica into north-eastern Botswana in the 1600s (Tlou & Campbell, 1984) has rendered that part of the country mainly Ikalanga speaking. The Kalanga were then enslaved by the Bangwato tribe and brought to the Central District (Map 2). Currently, Kalanga people predominantly inhabit Serowe, the capital of the Bangwato, though most of them have assimilated into Bangwato culture. The Wayeyi (also known as Bayei or Yei) came to Botswana from Central Africa through Malawi and Zambia. They settled in a place called DiYei in the Caprivi Strip (Nambia). Tlou (1985) estimates that they must have come to Botswana around 1750 or earlier. Murray (1990: 4) estimates that they may have come as early as AD 1000; others say they came around 1400 (e.g. Gazette, 1999). Nyati-Ramahobo (1999b) concurs with Murray because the Shiyeyi language adopted click sounds fromKhoisanlanguageswithwhich they came into contact in the Okavango delta. For this process to have taken place the two groupsmust have lived together for a long time. The Khoisan are believed to be the original indigenous people of Botswana. The Hambukushu came into Botswana at two different periods. The first group came between 1876 and 1890 and the second in 1969 because of the war in Angola. The Herero came to Botswana between 1897 and 1906 (Murray, 1987), escaping German rule in the then South-West Africa (Namibia). The distributions of Setswana speaking tribes caused by tribal wars and other social events in the 1800s (Tlou & Campbell, 1984: 57–100) have contributed to the spread of Setswana to all parts of the country. For instance, the war between the Bangwatotribal sons in the Central District in 1795(Sillery, 1965)caused one of the sons (Tawana) tomove intoNgamiland (North-west District) where theBatawana tribe nowlive; this is the majorway Setswana spread to that part of the country. As the Batawana ‘imposed themselves’ (Sillery, 1965: 22) on the majorityWayeyi in the area, they forced them to speak Setswana and punished them for using their ownlanguage. Some of theWayeyi then escaped into the Central District avoiding Tawana’s subjugation and sought refuge from Khama III, the chief of the Bangwatotribe andfather of the first President of Botswana,Sir SeretseKhama.He accepted them on condition that they speak Setswana so as to communicate their grievances to him effectively and to enable him to defend themat the kgotla during their court cases and in other important circumstances. Consequently, most The Language Situation in Botswana 273 Bayeyi do not speak Shiyeyi. Equally, the Bakalaka were discouraged from speaking Ikalanga, and most of those in Serowe only speak Setswana. The movement of the Barolong tribe in the 1600s from Transvaal in South Africa to the north-east introduced Setswana to that part of the country. Setswana is, therefore, the lingua franca of the country; most children learn it at home and at school. This factor made the choice of Setswana as a national language easier. Foreigners learn the Setswana language and culture at the Botswana Orientation Center. The spread of Setswana was, therefore, facilitated by the spread of Setswana speaking groups to other parts of the country. The spread of Setswana has been further facilitated by its use in school as the only local language and by the prohibition of the use of all other languages represented in the country after independence. Unlike the situation in a number of other African countries, there has been no significant European orAsian settlement in Botswana; after independence other nationalities came as individuals and have served as expatriates or have become citizens. As communities have not formed, language or place of origin is not yet an issue for these individuals. Part III: Language Policy and Planning Botswana’s language policy is not written; it is understood, inferred and observed fromreality. It is referred to in various documents such as the Constitution as previously discussed, in reports of National Commissions on Education, in the national development plans, as well as in several curricularmaterials and in the media. These sources only refer to it, not defining it ormaking it the subject of discussion. They refer to it when addressing other issues related to language and education. For example, while discussing the qualifications for election to the National Assembly and the House of Chiefs, the constitution states that: …a person shall be qualified to be elected as a member of the National Assembly if, and shallnot be qualified to be so elected unless…(d) he is able to speak, and unless incapacitated by blindness or other physical cause, to read Englishwell enough to under take an active part in the proceedings of the Assembly. (Section 61(d):00:37 & Section 79(4)(c) 00:46) Other sections of the constitution allude to language policy when discussing people’s fundamental rights and freedoms. For instance, Section 10(2)(f) states that: Every person,who is chargedwith a criminal offense, shall be permitted to have without payment the assistance of an interpreter if he cannot understand the language used at the trial of the charge … (00:11) At independence, English was indirectly declared the official language through the constitution, as previously indicated. English is currently used in the judiciary, in administration, in education, and in the business sector and, until late 1998, itwas used in Parliament.All government correspondence and records are 274 Current Issues in Language Planning in English. All meetings in the civil service are conducted and recorded in English. It is spoken and read by 40% of the population (Obondo-Okoyo, 1986: 12), mainly by the educated élite living in towns. Setswana is understood to be the national language, but the constitutionmakes no reference to it. It is mainly used in informal settings and in traditional matters. The national adult literacy programme is conducted in Setswana irrespective of the existence of other languages found amongst the communities in which it is operating. The Revised National Policy on Education recommended goals for out-of school programmes as follows: (1) To establish a learning society in which education is seen as a lifelong process. (2) To guarantee universal access to basic education for school-age children and adults in order to promote equity and social justice. (3) To provide opportunities for young people and adults to further their initial education to higher stages in order to raise the general level of education of the population. (4) To provide opportunities for adults to acquire work-related skills that will improve their productivity and standard of living, and promote economic growth. (5) To increase the ability of adults to take part in social, political, cultural and sporting affairs in order to improve their quality of life and promote greater participation in the development process. (Republic of Botswana, 1994: 34–5). The policy calls for the provision of adult education as a life-long learning process. The policy should also provide opportunities for school-age children who missed their chance for one reason or another to further their education. It further calls for an educated and informed society through an increase in learning opportunities beyond normal schooling. Public education is expected to make people aware of skills needed for life. Non-governmental organisationshave been pushing for the recognition of the existence of other languages and ethnic groups (see Part IV). This has to some extent had an impact on government; e.g. Parliament has passed the following motions to allow the use of these languages in education and on the radio. However, there are no efforts being made at the moment tomake these motions into laws or to implement them. …In 1995Parliament approved the review of sections 77 to 79 of the constitution which stipulates that only chiefs of the eight tribes can be ex-officio members of the House of Chiefs. …On Friday, 8 August 1997 Parliament passed a motion to allow all languages to be taught in schools, used on the radio and in other areas as necessary. …The second President of Botswana, Sir Ketumile Masire, constituted a task force to develop a national vision for the country in the new millennium. The task force, led by the then Manager of the Bank of Botswana and current Minister of Finance and Development Planning, Mr Baledzi Gaolathe, produced a document known as Vision 2016. This document The Language Situation in Botswana 275 states that ‘there is a challenge to recognise and develop equally all languages in Botswana’ (Presidential Task Group, 1997: 21, summary version). …Vision 2016 further states that ‘Botswana’s wealth of different languages and cultural traditions will be recognised, supported and strengthened in the education system. No Motswana will be disadvantaged in the education system as a result of a mother tongue that differs from the country’s two official languages’ (Presidential Task Group, 1997: 5). All of these parliamentary resolutions are positive signals of a commitment to pluralism as a necessary ingredient for nation building. They are an acknowledgement of the fact that the suppression of the languages and cultures of Botswana is not one of the ingredients for democracy or development. Indeed, suppression of languages and cultures could defeat the government’s purpose, to build a united and proud nation. As I argued on 26 October 1999 in a panel discussion for theMillennium lecture series, organised by the Gender Policy and Programme Committee on Vision 2016, which included government ministers, the government’s reluctance to implement the actions surveyed above suggests a lack of political will. It indicates that parliamentary motions may be passed simply as a result of pressure fromthe electorate,without any commitment to the underlying ideals by the government leadership. Statements made by the three Presidents cited previously in this monograph indicate thatwhile documentswrittenby professionals provide positivepolicies, the political leadership may only accept them with low levels of commitment. This creates tension between policy and practice. While policies on paper are progressive and point to reform, practice is conservative. The government seems to be still committed to the assimilationmodel and still views language diversity as a problem. On the other hand, the public calls for themaintenancemodel and for an orientationwhich views the linguistic diversity present in the country as a resource and a right. Many non-governmental organisations take the view that language and culture are human rights issues (refer to Part IV). Language Planning Agencies In 1979 the Minister of Education constituted the Setswana National Language Committee (SNLC) to revise the 1937 orthography, which had been developed in SouthAfrica. This revisionwas necessary because the orthography was based on the Setlhaping dialect, which is not represented in Botswana. The Committee carried out the review and produced the 1981 Setswana Standard Orthography. Two years after the publication of the 1981 orthography, users began to express dissatisfactionwith it, indicating the need for yet another revision. The National Setswana Language Council (NSLC) was formed in 1986 through a presidential directive and charged to review the 1981 orthography andmake the necessary recommendations with regard to the teaching and learning of Setswana as a national language. The Council mainly was concerned about the lack of consistency in the use of the Setswana orthography by authors. Children were under-performing in Setswana examinations; under-performance was observable especially among those who spoke languages other than Setswana. 276 Current Issues in Language Planning The Council also made some recommendations regarding the low status of Setswana as compared to English and the resulting deterioration of the Setswana language and culture. The work of the Council was carried out through four main committees. (1) The Book Review Committee was to review books used in schools to ensure that they were morally acceptable. (2) The Orthography Committee was to review the 1981 orthography. (3) The Terminology Committee was to compile all foreign words in order to coin Setswana equivalents. (4) The FinanceCommittee administered funds from the Ministry of Education for the work of the Council. Recommendation No.3 of the Revised National Policy on Education said that ‘theNational Setswana Language Council be renamed the Botswana Languages Council and be given new terms of reference including the responsibility for developing a comprehensive language policy’ (Republic of Botswana, 1994: 13). The second President of Botswana formed another task force in the Ministry of Education and charged it with the responsibility for the establishment of the Botswana Languages Council. This task forcewas chaired by the Coordinator of Revised National Policy on Education and former Permanent Secretary in the same ministry, Mr Jake Swartland (Figure 2). The assignment of the task force was to stateclearly themissionand vision of the BotswanaLanguagesCouncil, to formulate its terms of reference, to define its structure membership, and to suggest its home. The task force began its work in March 1997 and ended in August of the same year. The report of the task force was presented to Cabinet towards the end of 1997,but itwasnot approved.As a result,neither theNational Setswana Language Council nor the Botswana Languages Council are currently functional as language planning bodies. In other words, formal language planning activities ended in 1997 after the completion of the work of this task force. Informal language planning activities carried out by non-governmental organisations that are concerned with the imminent death of their languages are discussed in the following section. Part IV: Language Maintenance and Prospects Intergenerational Transmission of Setswana There is a widespread popular belief that Setswana is losing ground to English.While in the past English was confined to formal social domains, and to conversations involving foreigners, it is not unusual to hear Batswana conversing in English at a bar, in thework place and on the street.Most young people use at least some English, and a few homes are beginning to use English as the main medium of communication between family members. Some families are reported not to be using Setswana at all in the home.4 This process, while slow and insignificant at the moment, seems to suggest a dark future with Setswana eventually becoming a language for only the old and the uneducated. This is The Language Situation in Botswana 277 indicated by the fact that even adult learners are beginning to demand the introduction of English in the non-formal educational curriculum, since it is now required for all types of jobs (Nyati-Ramahobo, 1996). This is not surprising, since, as stated earlier, recommendations meant to enhance the status of Setswana in education and in society have never been implemented. Janson & Tsonope (1991: 75–6) note that: The language has been neglected in the sense that it has been seenmainly as a part of the traditional society, and by that token not very interesting for the generation of planners that has been busy leading Botswana on the way to development. … Official policy shows a degree of indifference to questions concerning Setswana. The same can be said for the other indigenous languages of Botswana. It is this attitude from the leadership that is threatening not only the existence of Setswana but also its value to future generations. The radio is an effective means for the intellectualisation of language and for supporting the transmission of language fromone generation to the next. Radio announcers and members of the public code-switch between English and Setswanawhen speaking on the radio. There is no conscious effort to speak pure Setswana so that the youngmight be able to learn good Setswana.Consequently, young people acquire borrowed English words under the impression that they are Setswana words. The use of English words is common even in cases where Setswana equivalents exist. For instance,most people seem to prefer the English word ‘change’ – rendered as chencha – instead of the Setswana equivalent fetola or fetoga. Young people find it difficult to express themselves exclusively in Setswana. On the other hand, a renewed sense of nationhood seems to be growing. This may be seen from three recent examples: …the topical debate on the rights ofminority groups, which became an election issue in 1999 and led to the appointment of the presidential commission of enquiry into sections 77 to 79 of the constitution, in August 2000; …the publication of a book on the status of Setswana as a national language; and …the fact that Miss Universe for 1999 was from Botswana. When Miss Universe returned from the success at the Pageant, her first words were in English and so washer address to the nation, to the great disappointment of most Batswana. This disappointment was expressed on a radio programme called Maokaneng, in which the general public discusses issues of national interest by telephone in Setswana. Upon her second visit, Miss Universe was to deliver her HIV/AIDS message at a concert organised in her honour by the Ministry ofHealth.On that occasion she was reduced to tears when the youthful crowd demanded that she deliver her speech in Setswana. Despite her tearful claim that it was difficult for her to do so, the crowd insisted and she finally did (Ndlovu, 1999). Every year Batswana express disappointment that the President delivers his independence message in English (Kgengwenyane, 1996). This public attitude could be a signal of a quest for national identity by the general public. 278 Current Issues in Language Planning Other positive signs are: …as stated earlier, beginning in 1989, one of the private newspapers has provided an insert in Setswana; …other newspapers are beginning to accept articles in Setswana as well; …while Setswana is losing some of its distinctive features, such as idioms and proverbs,more Setswanawords are being coined for new concepts (Anderson & Janson, 1997); and …Setswana continues to be the main language in the traditional courts in villages and towns alike. These efforts signal the desire among the people to promote andmaintain the use of Setswana or the natural persistence of Setswana as a dominant language. The success of various efforts to preserve Setswana will depend on the breadth of support and/or political will. Should the current official attitude continue, Setswana is likely to become an endangered language in the next three decades. The future of other minority languages, which are not recognised by government under the assimilation model, is even bleaker (Tsonope, 1995) if current policy does not change to be more inclusive. The role of the élite in promoting language death is critical.Most parents see the use ofEnglish in the homeas facilitating the acquisition of English at school, and indeed, it does. As English is required for matriculation,with limited spaces at senior secondary and tertiary levels, most parents view the use of Setswana as a medium of instruction as a contributing factor to low academic achievement. They therefore send their children to English medium schools, where all instruction is in English, with Setswana as a subject. Children fromthese schools rarely speak Setswana, except through code-mixing. Language Death and Language Maintenance Thismonograph has demonstrated that, at independence, the Government of Botswana adopted the orientation that language diversity was a problem and aimed to eradicate all minority languages. Economic prosperity and the provision of social amenities such as schools, clinics and roads led many Batswana to accept this position for a long time. Because of this policy, minority languages were banned from use in all social domains. Under such circumstances, one would not be surprised if by now all languages in Botswana were extinct except Setswana and English. However, as assimilation occurs over a period of time, and is influenced by factors such as self-esteem, 26 languages (Botswana Language Use Project, 1996) are still spoken in some parts of the country.Most of them are spoken by adults over 40 years of age. In some cases, children aged 17 speak the language,while in others, children younger than 17 may only comprehend the language.However, Kalanga, Subiya, Thimbukushu, Herero, andsome Khoisan languages are still spoken by young children in some communities. Vossen (1988) conducted a socio-linguistic survey on language use in Ngamiland (North-west District)(Map 2). The study included 13 languages in 19 schools situated in 12 villages.While the population of the Tswana (Batawana) is less than that of all other languages collectively, he observed thatmost children in the survey reported a greater knowledge of Setswana than of any other The Language Situation in Botswana 279 language. He further observed a general decline in the use of the mother tongue amongst his informants in some areas, indicating some degree of language shift. Higher levels of language maintenance were observed amongst the Mbukushu and Herero in some areas rather than others. He concluded that Shiyeyi was the most threatened language inNgamiland, as children no longer spoke it.Work by Sommer & Vossen (1995) later complimented Vossen’s study. As indicated previously, the Batawana enslaved the Wayeyi for over 250 years. Even after the abolition of slaveryworldwide, the majority ofWayeyi still continue to be ruled by the minority Batawana, despite their efforts since 1936 to achieve autonomy. As a result, the Wayeyi suffer from low self-esteem; many would prefer not to reveal their true identity, but rather say they are Batawana, particularly to outsiders who have no reason to know anything to the contrary. Those who can still speak the language are reluctant to use it in public places. This situation, therefore, implies that Vossen’s data may primarily indicate an identity crisis and the lack of overt language use but not an accurate picture of language knowledge. On the other hand, it is also correct to suggest that language knowledgewithout language use leads to language death. It is difficult to say to what extent Shiyeyi is dead, or to what extent revival efforts would be likely to succeed. As previously indicated, the attitude of the government towards Setswana is accompanied by intolerance for all other languages spoken in Botswana.Because of this suppressive attitude, it is proper to say that all languages in Botswana are somewhat threatened. Evidence that young people are not able to speak their first languages is also showing up in other languages including Setswana.Smieja and Mathangwane (1999) also observed a high degree of language shift amongst the non-Tswana speakers such as the Babirwa, Kalanga, and Batswapong towards Setswana and English.A great deal of cultural and linguistic loss among many minority groups has been observed (Vossen, 1988). This has caused concern, and some minority groups have begun to form organisations to revive their languages and cultures. The work of some of these is described in the following sections. Informal efforts in language maintenance Within the Ministry of Labor and Home Affairs is the Registrar of Societies’ Office. Since group rights are granted, through the right to associate, the main duty of this office is to register non-governmental organisations (NGOs), under Regulation 5 of the Societies Act No 19 of 1972. In order to be registered, an organisation must have a constitution, with clear objectives, activities and membership. Itmust indicate the specific areas onwhich itwill focus. Itmust also statethe geographical region inwhich itwill operate.Aregistered organisationis a legal entity in its ownright; it can sue or be sued. It has the right to receive donations from individuals and other local and international bodies. In Botswana, there is a mother body for all registered NGOs, called the Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO). Its role is to assist its members in three main areas: (1) policy research and advocacy; (2) capacity building, and (3) networking and information dissemination. To become a member of BOCONGO, an organisation pays an initial enrolment fee and an annual subscription fee. Benefits include receiving invitations to training programmes, 280 Current Issues in Language Planning which BOCONGOmounts for its members. For instance, it provides training in management, accounting and marketing strategies. NGOs may send their personnel to suchseminars free of charge.Other benefits include general dissemination of information on what other NGOs are doing, including work on the international scene. BOCONGO also places all valuable information on each member on its ownwebsite for dissemination.Once registeredwith BOCONGO, an organisation will also have access to donors who are interested in its field. Currently there are 81NGOs registered with BOCONGO. It is difficult to tell the number of those that are not members of the mother body, since data on these is not readily available. These NGOs fall within nine categories. In each category, oneNGOis selected by BOCONGOto be the lead organisationin that area (Table 9). Registration with the Registrar of Societies gives an NGO liberty to operate within the legal framework, while registration with BOCONGO gives it the opportunity to network with other bodies with similar interests. BOCONGO also offers these NGOs a united voice to speak to the government on issues of mutual interest.Due to the high fees charged by BOCONGO, not allNGOs registered with the Registrar of Societies are members of the BOCONGO. An organisation dealingwith language and or culturewould fall under theHuman Rights category; their lead agency is Ditshwanelo (a Setswana word for rights), The BotswanaCentre forHumanRights.Within the framework of the assimilationist policy, speakers of languages that are not recognised by the government view this policy as a denial of their human rights, i.e. denial of the ability to access information in their own languages. Their work therefore focuses on reviving andmaintainingtheir linguistic andcultural rights. Those dealingwith language froma religious perspective fall under the ecumenical category. Currently, there are six organisations dealing with language and culture from a human rights perspective. The Society for the Promotion of Ikalanga Language (SPILL) Within the limitations of data reliability, theKalangas are considered the largest of the so-calledminority groups in Botswana. The 1946 census indicated that there were 22,777 Kalangas in the Bamangwato (Central) District (Mpho, 1987: The Language Situation in Botswana 281 Table 9 Non-government organisations (NGO) by category Category Lead NGO Disability Botswana Council for the Disabled Women Women NGO Coalition strightHealth/AIDS Botswana Network for AIDS Human rights Ditshwanelo Children and youth Botswana National Youth Council Agriculture Forum for Sustainable Agriculture Ecumenical Botswana Christian Council Community Botswana Comm. Based Network Media Media Institute in Southern Africa Source: BOCONGO (1999) 134, see Table 5). This excluded those in the North-east District (Table 6). Kalangas have a strong sense of identity. Currently, they are one of the few minority groups whose children speak Ikalanga at home, including those in homes in the upper and middle class areas living in cities and towns.This is quite phenomenal given that the Bamangwato tribe enslaved them in the 1800s.There is a popular belief that, due to this oppression, the Kalanga developed a coding system for gaining access to educational opportunities. When applying for entrance to schools, each Kalanga applicationwould have a drawing of a peanut at the lower right-hand-side, their staple food. Education officers who were mostly Kalanga would then ensure school admission. Many Batswana believe that this is the main reason they are currently the most highly educated and hold high government posts. Due to pressure from the Tswana presidents, Kalanga ministers overtly support the assimilationmodel, but they covertly support the promotionof theKalanga to high positions as an alternativeempowerment strategy. Because of the banning of the Ikalanga language fromthe educational system at independence, the language was formally relegated only to the home environment. For this reason, the culture of the Kalanga people has been slowly disappearing. Based on this realisation, the SPILL was formed by the Kalanga élite in 1981 to develop and maintain the Ikalanga language and culture. Also embedded in thework of the societywas the issue of land rights and the right to self-rule through the chieftainship structure. When SPILL started, it created a negative reaction from within government quarters. It was perceived as tribalistic and divisive. Therewas a strong campaign to shun it and to denounce it as a threat to the peace and stability prevailing in the country. ThoseKalangaswho believed in the movement, saw this as an intimidating strategy to discourage them and potential donors from developing Ikalanga. There were also divisions amongst the Kalangas themselves. Some, especially those holding high government positions, were against the formation of SPILL, at least in public. They feared victimisation at their jobs should their loyalty to government be doubted. Therefore, while the Kalangas are highly influential in government circles, they could not use that influence to convince government to allow the use of Ikalanga on radio or in education, prior to the presentation of the 1997 motion which has not yet become law. The SPILL began its work with the revival and revision of the pre-independence Ikalanga orthography, which was published in 1995. The organisation has now published a hymnbook in Ikalanga.TheNew Testamenthas been translated into Ikalanga as well. The Mukani Action Campaign (MAC), the educational wing of SPILL, has developed 14 literacy booklets for informal teaching of Ikalanga and for future use in schools as soon as government implements the 1997motion. TheMAC also publishes a newsletter and encourages the publication of news articles in Ikalanga.One of the independent newspapers publishes a weekly column in Ikalanga. Their major donor, as previously indicated, is the Lutheran Bible Translatorsbased in theUnited States, an organisationwhich has provided technical support to run an office in Francistown.This officewas at the forefront of the development of the orthography and the translation of the New Testament. Through the Department of Adult Education at the University of Botswana, UNESCO is funding a project on the use of minority languages in 282 Current Issues in Language Planning adult literacy. The project includes Kalanga and Shiyeyi. With respect to the Kalanga project, it funds trainingworkshops for members of theMAC aswell as the production of some of the materials. The other source of funding is through membership fees. SPILL raises funds using several strategies, and the funds are used to run the daily work. Further details on SPILL are available on the reference section of their web-site. One of the issues that the Kalangas have been pushing for is the right to be represented in the House of Chiefs by their Paramount Chief. As indicated in Part I, politically, they are regarded as members of the Bamangwato tribe, and their ParamountChief is that of the Bamangwato.Within their immediate localities, they can have Kalanga sub-chiefs. Currently, there is a Kalanga sub-chief in the House ofChiefs, but he is not regarded as representative of all Kalangas since he is not a Paramount Chief. The SPILL is, therefore, playing a crucial role in language planning. It is one of those bodies promoting the orientationto viewing language diversity as a right and a resource for development. Kamanakao Association The Wayeyi live inNgamiland (North-west District,Map 2). Politically and in accordance with the assimilation policy, every one in this district is called a Motawana, since the Tswana speaking Batawana tribe rule them. As indicated previously, the Batawana subjected the Wayeyi to slavery. There are two main reasons why theWayeyi were the most subjected: first there was direct contact between them and the Batawana on the arrival of the Batawana in Ngamiland; the second reason was the soft and peace loving nature of theWayeyi. In 1962, Pitoro Seidisa (a Moyeyi from Gumare) started someworkwith Professor Ernst Westphal of the University of Cape Town to develop the orthography for the Shiyeyi language. Due to the conflict between the Wayeyi and Batawana over serfdom, the then Queen Regent of the Batawana, Pulane, ordered the arrest of Mr Seidisa for presuming to develop Shiyeyi. The Batawana thought that the development of Shiyeyi might raise the consciousness of the Wayeyi and strengthen their struggle for freedom fromslavery.WhenWestphal realised the unacceptability of the Shiyeyi language among the ruling Batawana, he discontinued his work on the language and stated in his will that all the material on Shiyeyi should be burnt after his death. By the time of his death, the orthography had been completed, a dictionary was still incomplete and Chapter 8 of the Gospel of Matthew as well as a few hymns had been translated into Shiyeyi. After independence in 1966 the language policy continued to discourage the development and use of any languages other than Setswana. The Kamanakao Associationwas founded in 1995 by theWayeyi élite to continue the work of Mr Seidisa and ProfessorWestphal. Its aimwas to develop and maintain the Shiyeyi language and culture. The work on orthography was completed in 1998 and work on materials production and training is on going. The Association has produced a draft of an interdenominational hymnbook, a phrase book for teaching Shiyeyi and a booklet containing songs, stories and poems. It also produces a calendar in Shiyeyi. The Kamanakao Association has three main sources of funding for its programmes. The Lutheran Bible Translators funded the development of the orthography and some of the publications previously mentioned. They continue The Language Situation in Botswana 283 to fund the translationof hymns and the translationof the Jesus Filminto Shiyeyi. Currently, plans are under way to translate the Gospel of Luke. The UNESCO project has three phases concerning the development of Shiyeyi: the first phase covers the training of secondary school leavers in using the Shiyeyi orthography to write stories on cultural themes; the second phasewill subsume thewriting of the stories and songs, and the last phase will involve writing primers for adult literacy. Currently, the training is going on simultaneously with story and song writing. The third source of funding is from the communities. The Kamanakao Association has nine branch committees throughout the northern part of the Central District and in Ngamiland. These communities are responsible for the cultural aspects of the organisation.They organise cultural activities and are also responsible for hosting the Shikati (Chief in Shiyeyi) Kamanakao5 as he visits the villages. These committees fund their own activities. They raise funds for the association through the sale of T-shirts, booklets, bags and calendars and of course through cultural activities. The relationship between these two organisations and the government is one of uneasy tolerance.While the Ministry of Labour and Home Affairs authorised their registration in accordance with the right to associate, they are seen as moving against the assimilationist policy. This is particularly so in regard to the chieftainship issue. The Wayeyi élite holding high government posts are torn between supporting a just cause in which they believe and risking their jobs. Consequently, they tend to remain neutral and unpredictable. Some Wayeyi, especially politicians within the ruling party, have been used to campaign against the work of Kamanakao Association. They have portrayed the Association as tribalistic and have worked against the acceptance of Shikati Kamanakao to represent the Wayeyi in the House of Chiefs. The Wayeyi have taken the government to court for discriminating against their Paramount Chief. On the other hand, someWayeyi élite and academics have been successful in taking the message of the Association to the people, through the village or branch committees. The message is understood as linguistic human rights as well as political rights in terms of representation.After his installation as Paramount Chief of the Wayeyi, in April 1999, Shikati Kamanakao has taken his role to be that of educating his people about their rights to develop and maintain their language and culture through public meetings. His meetings have been attended by Criminal Investigation Officers from the Police Department to try and intimidate people attending. After a year of public education campaigns, people now feel free to attend and participate in village committees and other cultural activities. They are gaining confidence in demanding their rights to representation. They have contributed money towards the costs of the lawsuit. This lawsuit may have some influence in expediting the government’s decision to review Sections 77 to 79 of the constitution, which discriminate along tribal lines concerning representation in the House of Chiefs. In February 2000, an independent newspaper reporter held an interview with President Mogae that was reported as follows: Mmegi: Parliament passed a motion for the amendment of Sections 77–79 of the constitution which were deemed offensive but last year during the elections you said there is no discrimination in terms of tribe.Would I have 284 Current Issues in Language Planning a member of my tribe as an ex-officio member of theHouse of Chiefs in my lifetime? (the reporter is Kalanga). President Mogae: I don’t know where you get the impression that I have gone back on anything. I and Parliament never said that the constitution discriminates against tribes. We have said those sections you have mentioned should be amended and I have said yes, if there is any section of the constitution that causes irritationto anymember of our societywemust look at them and amend.We are going to do that.We have appointed a task force to go around asking Batswana including yourself. Itwould startwork early next month. (Chilisa, 2000: 19 (11–17 February)). While the President’s promise is not a new thing, many people believe that the lawsuit is likely to end the unreasonable delay in action on the constitutional amendment. However, speculation is rife that the government is lobbying the general public to accept the status quo. In fact, the President mentioned his own preference for the statusquo during the interview.He said, ‘I havemy ownviews …the arrangementwith regards to the North East, Kgalagadi and Ghanzi is the type I will be inclined to. It’s more democratic but Batswana believe in chiefs by birth and I am not going to change that’ (Chilisa, 2000: 19 (11–17 February)). As stated above (Background section), the areas mentioned here areminority dominated and they are represented by elected sub-chiefs in theHouse ofChiefs and not the ParamountChiefs by birth of theseminority tribes.This is in line with the assimilationtheory that only Setswana speaking tribes can be represented by their Paramount Chiefs by birth. Minority groups can only be represented by elected sub-chiefs to ensure that the people elected are sympathetic with the ruling party policy of assimilation into Tswanadom. In the case of Ngamiland, the tribes there are represented by the Tswana speaking Batawana chief. According to theWayeyi, they are not represented, since imposing a Motawana chief on themand rejecting their ParamountChief is not democratic.The consultations to be heldwith the people are less likely to change the current situation, as lobbying will follow the elections pattern where people are alleged to have been bribed and misinformed in house-to-house campaigns. The rural population is less informed as it has no access to information, and it is likely to accept information provided by the government. For this reason, the status quo is likely to prevail after the consultations.On the other hand, should the educated élite make written submissions to the task force, and work with NGOs to put pressure on the government to change, there is a windowof opportunity for change. Should the task force complete its work and the relevant sections be changed, while the lawsuit is still delayed in court (the hearing had been postponed twice between October and December, 1999), the ruling of the court would contribute to the recommendations of the task force. The work of the task force may also lead to thewithdrawalof the lawsuit.Both Kamanakaoand SPILL are locally driven and members of BOCONGO. The Etsha Ecumenical Community (EEC) The Etsha Ecumenical Community was an initiative by the Botswana Christian Council in 1970. The Council is composed of twenty churches and seven church-related organisations (Hopkins, 1995). It runs a number of ecumenical The Language Situation in Botswana 285 projects for disadvantaged groups including the disabled, women, and street children. The Etsha project focuses on the development and use of the Thimbukushu language for religious purposes (see Table 1). It utilises reading material developed in Namibia and by other linguists elsewhere on Thimbukushu to conduct literacy classes at least three times a week for female adults among theHambukushu people. Some of its activities include: training in basket weaving amongst the Hambukushu andWayeyi females at Etsha,marketing the baskets outside Botswana, running a pre-school in Thimbukushu, running a poultry project for out-of-school youth, and running a guest house. This work has served as a source of inspiration for the revival and maintenance of the Thimbukushu language in Botswana. Currently, there are efforts to register a Thimbukushu cultural organisation by the Hambukushu people. The Basarwa (Bushmen) belong to about 17 main Khoisan language groups (Appendix 1). They are the indigenous people of Botswana and are nomadic. It is estimated that there are about 40,000Basarwa in Botswana,making up about four per cent of the population. They are mainly hunters and gatherers. Due to their nomadism, they are found in seven of the eight administrativedistricts(Mazonde, 1997). Their main areas of concentration are Ghanzi,Kweneng, parts of Ngamiland and Ngwaketsi districts and they have a high degree of language maintenance (Smieja & Mathangwane, 1999). From time immemorial, the Basarwa have worked for the wealthy Setswana speaking groups who use themas herd-boys for low wages, providedmainly in the form of food. They own no land and are ruled by the Setswana Paramount Chief in whatever area they happen to reside. For instance, those in Kweneng are considered Bakwena and ruled by the Bakwena Paramount Chief. Mogwe (1994: 57) best describes the plight of the Basarwa. The Basarwa are the poorest of the poor.… Why have development programs aimed at the improvement of their standard of living focused instead on assimilation or integration without informed choice and without the participation of the Basarwa during both planning and implementation?… Rampant discrimination against the Basarwa peoples hasmeant that they have become marginalised culturally, politically, socially, and economically.… The state imposes leaders on them who are not of their culture or language group. This in turn has exacerbated their position of marginalisation. Attempts to use the law are frustrated because they lack the operation language of Setswana customary courts. In 1999, two Basarwa who had been sentenced to death by the high court for murder; their case was appealed by Ditshwanelo, the Botswana Center for Human Rights (see Table 9). It was discovered that the Basarwa were not given an opportunity to speak in their language in court andwere not listened towhen they struggled in Setswana to air their unhappiness about their lawyer. The high court did not listen to their pleas but sentenced them to death.However, in 1999, the appeals court ordered a retrial. Mogwe argues that the human rights of the Basarwa have neither been respected nor protected by the state. The state had argued that Ditshwanelo had no right to represent the Basarwa, further violating their right to representation by challenging Ditshwanelo’s efforts. Due to the marginalised status of the Basarwa,many international organisations have come to Botswana to establish community based development 286 Current Issues in Language Planning projects. Three such projects operating under registered organisations will be briefly described in the following sections. They were a result of external initiatives and mainly funded by church organisations in The Netherlands and by development agencies such as CIDA, UNICEF, World View, the Norwegian government and others. The Kuru Development Trust (Kuru) Fidzani (1998)maintains thedistribution of cattle in Botswanais uneven.Only five per cent of the population own 50%of the national herd, and 45%of the rural households do not own any cattle. This means that rich cattle owners also own most of the land. It is therefore difficult for the nomadic Basarwa to own land. The tourism policy of the government of Botswana calls for their removal from areas with tourist attractions. In 1979, the government grouped all Basarwa living inside the Kalahari Central Game Reserve (KCRG) in one place within a reserve called Xade. In 1986, the government decided to freeze developments in this area and move the Basarwa outside the reserve to New Xade (Mazonde, 1997). With the support of two external agencies based in The Netherlands, the Kalahari Support Group and the Kalahari People’s fund, Basarwa communities in ten villages in the Ghanzi District in 1986 established the Kuru Development Trust. The main aim of the organisation is to facilitate active participation of Basarwa communities and individuals in the development process and to support the acquisition of land and land rights.Mazonde (1997)observes that the hunger for land has resulted in BasarwainGhanzidemanding their own district, aswell as aMosarwacouncillor, aMosarwamember of theHouse ofChiefs and a Mosarwa member of Parliament. The Kuru Development Trust has been sensitising the Basarwato standup for their rights and achieve their dreams.They too, like other groups, need to reapthe fruits of democracy.The assimilationistmodel has not proved to be fruitful for them. In the 1999 general elections, a Mosarwa lady stoodfor council elections inGhanzi,but unfortunately she lost.AMosarwa sub-chiefwas installedin Xade, but he is not yet amember of theHouse ofChiefs. Some of the activities of the Kuru include the development of enterprenial skills among Basarwa, to promote participatory learning processes for selfawareness and development. Kuru also promotes agriculturalactivitiesby introducing alternative agricultural methods. Kuru is heavily involved in social education, language development and cultural identity. It hosts an annual cultural festival, featuring songs and dances in theNaro and Ju/hoan languages (Appendix 1).Kuru runs amuseumfunded by theBernardVan Leey foundation. This museum displays the history of the Basarwa and has a good collection of their artefacts. The trust also collects Sarwa artefacts and markets them at both national and international levels. The Kuru Development Trust has a language wing, specifically working on the Naro language through the Naro Language Project which was started in 1991 and is funded by the Christian Reformed Churches in the Netherlands (Visser, 1998). By 1997 the project had produced an orthography and phonology of Naro. A number of publications (e.g. primers, a dictionary and literacy material) have been produced. The Language Project runs pre-school classes in Naro; adult literacy classes are conducted in Naro in the Ghanzi District. Currently, Kuru runs a leather tannery, a carpentry shop, a The Language Situation in Botswana 287 fence-building workshop, a silk screen craft production project and workshops on HIV/AIDS, business skills and negotiation skill in Sarwa languages. In 1998,Kuru expanded its activities into theOkavango delta. Kuru has established an office at Shakawe to provide community development work amongst the Bugakhwe and Xanikhwe San peoples, the Wayeyi, Hambukushu and Giriku, with specific focus on the development of cultural tourism. Kuru is currently assistingthese communities to form and register trusts and to apply for land for tourist activities. The work of this trust has not been easy. Like most ethnically oriented organisations,Kuru was perceived as inciting the Basarwa to disobey government orders and to impede the government’s effort to provide social amenities to the Basarwa at New Xade. The missionaries from The Netherlands who were working with Kuru were seen as people who were in Botswana to pursue their own personal interests rather than those of the Basarwa.Consequently, in 1993 the government issued a deportation order against Reverend Le Roux for his activities with the Kuru Development Trust.He was seen to be influencing the Basarwa not to move out of the Kalahari Game Reserve. While human rights organisations managed to put pressure on the government to lift the deportation order, they did not convince the government to reverse the decision tomove the Basarwa out of the KCGR. Eventually the Basarwa of Xade became divided, some supporting the move toNew Xade and others choosing to stay in the OldXade in theKCGR. The government has viewed its own policies and efforts as intending to modernise the Basarwaand bring them into themainstream. Development agencies, on the other hand, saw such policies as assimilationist and aimed at eradicating the languages and cultures of the Basarwa and, most importantly, to disempower them economically. The removal of the Basarwa from the KCRG to New Xade meant that they could not hunt and gather fruit, but would be more dependent on government subsidies. In turn, this would make them loyal to the ruling party. The assimilationist model is not only intended to assimilate minority groups into Tswanadom but into the ruling party as well. The covert goal is to have one language, one nation and one party. The First People of the Kalahari (FPK) The First People of the Kalahari was established in 1992 to fight for the land rights of the Basarwa people, specifically the San/N/Oakhine group (see Appendix 1). Like Kuru, it was established with the support of the Kalahari SupportGroup and the Kalahari People’s Fund. The issue of land rights is fundamental to the survival of theBasarwawho aremainlyhunters and gatherers.FPK is one of the organisations trying to address the issue. Its founder, John Hardbattle, died in 1996 at the height of the New Xade controversy. While the FPK was formed by an identifiable ethnic and linguistic group, and some of its activities have included language development, themain objective of the organisation is the achievement of Basarwa human rights, specifically the right to own land. The statemaintains that the Basarwa, being nomads, have no right to land (Mogwe, 1994). This defineswhere they can hunt and gather fruit, as the non-nomadic groups own and control the land. This has serious consequences for the daily living of the Basarwa. The only option for them is to work for the wealthy for low wages. FPK serves as a national advocate that strength- 288 Current Issues in Language Planning ens, organises and coordinates development projects within the settlements and communities in Ghanzi towards the acquisition of land and land rights to gather and hunt. It links these communities to those in neighbouring countries like South Africa and Namibia. It has an education wing responsible for collection and dissemination of information on human rights, and monitors human rights abuses, especially those dealing with game licensing for hunting. FPK’s major activities include advocacyand negotiatingwith government for the rights of the Basarwa. The FPK also has income-generating projects in ostrich and poultry farming and it runs a cultural centre. The Basarwa Research Project The Basarwa Research Project is coordinated at the University of Botswana, through the former National Institute of Research and Development, now the Directorate of Research and Development, and in conjunction with the Department of African Languages and Literature. The Norwegian government funds the project, which is aimed at conducting research on the social, linguistic, cultural, political and economic well-being of the Basarwa within the Southern African region. The project conducts regionalworkshops to provide a forum for scholars to report on their work related to the Khoesan languages and cultures and other aspects of the San peoples.Western scholarswho come to Botswana as individuals to conduct their studies on the Basarwa are also provided an opportunity to present their findings at the University of Botswana through this project.These efforts are helping to revive andmaintain theKhoesan languages. Summary The work of non-governmental organisations has begun to signal to the government that there is a language and cultural problem to be attended to. The Department of Youth and Culture (DYC) was established in the Ministry of Labor and Home Affairs in 1989, and the Botswana National Cultural Council (BNCC) was established in 1992 within the Department. The Department has been charged with the responsibility to develop a national cultural policy. Currently, there is a consultancy to review the draft of this policy document and, amongst other things, to review the capacity of and the linkages between institutions dealing with culture, especially the DYC and the BNCC, the House of Chiefs and NGOs. The consultancy will also provide a state of the art account of the sociological, historical and linguistic relations of peoples within the cultural setting of Botswana. This signals a willingness on the part of the government to begin to address the thorny issues relating to the linguistic and cultural diversity of the country, and the chieftainship issues within the framework of human rights and globalisation. The government seems to be convinced about the role of culture in development, and there are plans to develop cultural villages. However, the government’s view appears to be that culture can best be preserved through museums and cultural villages set up for public viewing.Culture is not considered as a way of life that a community must live as part of national development. There are no serious efforts to instil language and cultural studies into the curriculum (Milon, 1989; Nyati-Ramahobo, 1998a). Apparently there is also the belief that the cultures ofminority groups can be preservedwithout the use of their languages. The Language Situation in Botswana 289 This constitutes a difficult task, since some crucial aspects of culture can only be expressed through language. Efforts to revive andmaintainBotswana languages restwith the civil society’s will towork tirelessly despite the government’s resistance. The role of the élite, especially academics, is crucial to the development and maintenance of the languages of Botswana. One major characteristic of democracy in Botswana is freedom of speech. Academics, other activists and the media have taken advantage of this characteristic to take the issues into the public arena. However, there is another element of our democracy working against this. While there is freedom of speech, there is no freedom after speech (Mogwe, 1994).That is, people can talk, but they are not listened to, and there are a number of subtle ways of victimising those who speak out and who are employed by the government. It is for this reason that government employees play rather a debilitating role in the promotion of linguistic and cultural rights of minority groups in Botswana. Pidgins and Creoles When the Wayeyi were enslaved by the Batawana and forced to speak Setswana, language contact occurred between Shiyeyi and the Sengwato dialect of the Setswana spoken by the Batawana. This contact resulted in the emergence of a creole called Setawana – the basic structure of which consists of Sengwato syntax with a heavy Shiyeyi lexicon – which is now accepted as a dialect of Setswana. For instance: Ba ne ba ile go shaora. (They went swimming). Shaora is a Shiyeyi word for swimming. Ha o bua maxambura ke tla go caka (If you say nonsense I will axe you (hit you with an axe). Maxambura is the Shiyeyiwordfor nonsense and caka is to axe someone. While the Setswana equivalent for such words may exist in other parts of the country, to people in Ngamiland only the Shiyeyi words exist, and this is the normalway of speaking. Theywouldnever usewords suchas go thuma for swimming as it is used in the southernpart of the country. As this creole varietyhas not been studied, it is difficult to say whether it is in fact a creole or whether it is a dialect with some Shiyeyi lexical code-switching. As a result of the lowstatus of theWayeyi, and themovement ofmore people fromthe north-west (Maun area) towork in the south (see Map 2), there seems to be amovement towardsstandard Sengwato dialect and towards an avoidance of Shiyeyi words at all costs. However, the old and uneducated population continues to use this mixture. Anderson & Janson (1997) discuss Tsotsitaal and question whether or not it is spoken in Botswana.Anumber of factorsmay be responsible for the importation of this pidgin language into Botswana from South Africa: …the movement between the two countries for economic activities is a constant factor; …families are divided across the border; 290 Current Issues in Language Planning …there was the influx of South African refugees into Botswana during the apartheid era; …Batswana watch South African television. As a result, Tsotsitaal is spoken by the youth in towns, especially those in the southern part of the country, to almost the same extent that they speakAmerican English. Currently, these phenomena are confined to the youth who switch to normal Setswana when speaking to adults. The current situation concerning pidgins and creoles in Botswana is that none of the varieties have really been studied by scholars in a detailed manner. Probable Future Directions The debate about ethnic and linguistic inequality has been going on for a long time in Botswana.Amotion to review Sections 77–79 of the constitutionwas first debated in Parliament in 1988. The opposition party lost the motion and one member of Parliament from the ruling party remarked ‘we defeated them’ (Republic of Botswana, 1988: 511). The discourse of hegemonic powerwas stronger at that time. Within government circles, therefore, there is the ‘them’ and ‘us’ mentality. This does not seem to augur well for democracy and social justice. Tswadomwas seen to have settled in, and the chances for theminorities to assert themselves to change the constitution were seen as slim.However, the discourse changed in 1995. The same parliamentarianwho dominated the debate in 1988, and concluded with the above utterance, did not say a word during the 1995 debate. The ruling party had lost ten seats to the opposition in the 1994 general elections. In this debate, parliamentarians from minority groups from both the ruling and the opposition parties presented their case powerfully during this discussion. One from the ruling party said: …each one of us will want to appear and to be recognised in the eyes of the law, especially the supreme lawof the country, as being equal to his brethren.… Our circumstances now require that we amend sections 77, 78, and 79 of the Constitution so that other tribal interests are presented. That would ensure that our republic has characteristics of a true republic. A Constitution should reflect those characteristics … there should be no notion, no impression created in the mind of anyone that some persons or some groups or some tribal interests are superior than others. If we do, or allow for such a situation, there is bound to be social disharmony in our country. (Republic of Botswana, 1995: 86–7) Themotion was passed in 1995, as stated in Part III,mainly due to pressure from the opposition parties and vocalmembers of the ruling party who supported it. The majority of Tswana parliamentarians from the ruling party barely accepted the motion, but the discourse of hegemonic power has subsided. This tension explains why there have been no efforts to implement it to date. On the other hand, the pressure from non-governmental organisations working to promote minority languages and cultures has intensified continuously over the past four years. The current situation is that, while non-governmental organisations are encouraged by such positive policy statements to push for reform at the implementationlevel, the efforts of thoseNGOs are frustrated by the covertly negative The Language Situation in Botswana 291 attitudes of the leadership. This situation is likely to continue to limit the impact the non-governmental organisationsmight have.With this kind of tension, it is difficult to predict the future directions of language development and usage in Botswana. In discussingwhether the 1999general electionswere issue-driven, one newspaper stated that: …[p]erhaps the only issue that was articulated effectively is the one relating to ethnic inequality. . . . The opposition, in particular, seems to have been effective in presenting its case to the electorate. . . . And it would appear thatmany people in the affected areaswere bought into it. (Mbuya, 1999: 15) Many opposition parties promised the electorate that, if elected to power, other languages would be taught in schools, and sections of the constitution, which discriminate on the basis of tribal affiliation, would be reviewed. However, an analysis of the election results indicated that people in minority dominated areas voted for the ruling party.Four factorshave been alleged to be responsible for this: (1) Internal conflict amongst opposition partieswhichwent on until the date of the election left the electoratewithno choice but to elect the devil they knew’ (2) The ruling party has exploited the ignorance of the rural poorwho have no access to the media. It is alleged that the people were informed in house to house campaigns that the constitution had been amended to incorporate laws on ethnicity and gender. (3) Therewere also allegations of bribery – the use ofmoney and the deliveries of drought-relief foodstuffs in some villages during the election week. (4) In his tour of the country just a week before elections, the President informed his audiences that the constitution does not discriminate. This created the impression that it had been amended, thus confirming the information provided in the house-to-house campaigns. In fact, many Wayeyi were happy that their Shikatiwould be admitted to the House ofChiefs, and so they voted for the ruling party. Should these allegations be true (though they are not new), then change is less likely to be achieved through the parliamentary process. In a country where more than 40% of the population lives below the poverty datum line (Jeffris, 1997), this practice is likely to continue for some time, at least until there is a strong and united opposition. One of the organisations advocating ethnic and language rights has taken the government to court for discriminating against their Paramount Chief, by refusing him membership of the House of Chiefs. Should the government win the case, the issue is unlikely to go away, and the debatemay go to higher levels. The government has demonstrated intolerance on the issue, and it is most unlikely to accede to the demands of non-Setswana speaking tribes. Whether the government accepts change or not, many languages are likely to be preserved and enhanced through the work of non-governmental organisations. It is necessary for these non-governmental organisations to work together and to seek the support of the human rights groups, in order to exert more pressure on government. Members of Parliament who are from minority 292 Current Issues in Language Planning groups hold the passport for change. Should they stand firm on their word during the debate of the motion to amend Sections 77 to 79 of the constitution, the government is likely to act quickly. However, should they feel threatened, change will be slow and painful. The very principles of unity and democracywhich all the ethnic and linguistic groups of Botswanaembraced at independence, which subsequently resulted in the acceptance of themodernist/assimilationist paradigm into Tswanadom, are the very principles providing them good grounds to assert and not relinquish their subnational identities. After 33 years of independence, the issue of nationhood is no longer in question. The question now is what has this democracy and nationhood achieved for every one of us. Attempts to react to this question clearly demonstrate that the concept of Tswanadom has relegated some members of this nation to a low and unacceptable status, economically, politically and culturally. For this reason, the democracy for which Botswana is well known and respected is challenged. The orientation to view linguistic and cultural diversity as a problem is counterproductive to democratic gains. The option is to move quickly from overt assimilationist models to true pluralistic models, in which both group rights and individual rights are guaranteed, and democratic principles of representation are respected. Correspondence Any correspondence should be directed to Dr Lydia Nyati-Ramahobo, Faculty of Education, University of Botswana, Private Bag 0022, Gaborone, Botswana ([email protected]). Notes 1. The name of the country is Botswana, the people are Batswana, one person from Botswana is a Motswana and the national language is Setswana. This formula for prefixing applies to the eight Setswana speaking tribes, who are represented by their paramount chiefs: Table 1 Linguistic groups Category 1 (The eight Setswana speaking tribes) Name of tribe (plural) Dialect/language Individual Bamangwato/Bangwato Sengwato Mongwato Bakgatla Sekgatla Mokgatla Batawana Setawana Motawana Balete Selete Molete Batlokwa Setlokwa Motlokwa Bakwena Sekwena Mokwena Bangwaketsi Sengwaketsi Mongwaketsi Barolong Serolong Morolong The formula also applies to those tribes whose languages are close to Setswana but are not considered to be dialects of Setswana (some are represented by elected sub chiefs from their own tribes – the four areas, while others are not represented by their own people but by the paramount chief in that area). The Language Situation in Botswana 293 Category 2 (Tribes with languages close to Setswana) Name of tribe (plural) Dialect/language Individual Bakgalagadi/Makgalagadi Sekgalagadi Mokgalagadi Babirwa Sebirwa Mmirwa Batswapong (Baseleka) Setswapong Motswapong Bahurutshe Sehurutshe Mohurutshe Bakhurutshe Sekhurutshe Mokhurutshe Bakgothu Sekgothu Mokgothu Bashaga Seshaga Moshaga Bangologa Sengologa Mongologa Batlhwaring Setlhwaring Mo tlhwareng. Batalaote Setalaote Motalaote Bakaa Sekaa Mokaa While tribes who speak languages that are not related to Setswana at all did not originally follow this formula over time the formula has been applied to them. The original name is supplied and the ‘tswanalised’ version is bracketed. Category 3 (Tribes not related to Setswana) Name of tribe (plural) Dialect/language Individual Ovaherero (Baherero) Herero (Seherero) Herero (Moherero) Wayeyi (Bayeyi)/Bayei Shiyeyi (Seyeyi) Muyeyi (Moyeyi) Hambukushu (Ma/ Bambukushu) Thimbukushu (Se-) Hambukushu (Mombukushu) Kalanga (Ma/Bakalaka) Ikalanga (Sekalalaka) Kalanga (Mokalalaka) Subia (Ma/Basubia) Subia (Sesubia) Subia (Mosubia) Ciriku (Ma/Baciriku) Othiciriku (Seciriku) Mociriku Ba/Masarwa (includes 13 Khoisana languages) Sesarwa Mosarwa Ba/Manajwa Senajwa Monajwa Note: The alternative prefix Ma- is used to demean the tribe. Languages spoken by tribes in Categories 2 and 3 are considered minority languages. 2. Amore detailed description of the ‘English only’ situation can be found inKaplan and Baldauf (in press). 3. A traditional meeting place where the chief hears cases, consults and informs his people about development matters in the village. 4. Contribution from a participant at a symposium on ‘The Quality of Life in Botswana’ organised by the Botswana Society, 15–18 October 1996. 5. The name of the Chief is the same as the name of the Association. References Amanze, J.N. (1994) Botswana Handbook of Churches. Gaborone: Pula Press. Amanze, J.N. (1998) African Christianity in Botswana: The Case of African Independent Churches. Gweru: Mambo Press. Amanze, J.N. (1999)AHistory of the EcumenicalMovement in Africa.Gaborone:PulaPress. Anderson, L. and Janson, T. (1997) Languages in Botswana: Language Ecology in Southern Africa. Gaborone: Longman. Arthur, J. (1996) Language pedagogy in Botswana: Paradigms and ideologies. Mosenodi: Journal of the Botswana Educational Research Association 4 (1), 47–57. 294 Current Issues in Language Planning Batibo, H.M., Mathangwane, J.T. and Mosaka, N. (1997) Prospects for sociolinguistic research undertakings in Botswana: Priorities and strategies. In B. Smieja (ed.)Working Papers in Preparation for the LICCA Conference (pp. 27–36). Proceedings of the LICCA Workshop. Duisburg: University of Duisburg. Bocongo (1999) A Quick Reference to Bocongo Members. Gaborone: Bocongo. Botswana Language Use Project (1996) Dipuo tsa Botswana. Gaborone. Botswana Language Use Project. Carter, G.M. and Morgan, P. (1980) From the Front-line: Speeches of Sir Seretse Khama. London: Rex Collins. Central Orthography Committee (1937) Minutes of the Conference on Orthography for Secwana. Johannesburg: Central Orthography Committee. Central Statistics Office (1995) Education Statistics 1993. Gaborone: Government Printer. Central Statistics Office (1999) Education Statistics 1997. Gaborone: Government Printer. Chilisa, E. (2000) Mogae defends his government: Part II. Mmegi: The Reporter, 11- 17 February. Davies, C. (1998) Bayeyi can have their own chief, says Tawana.Mmegi: The Reporter, 25 September – 1 October, 6. Department of Information and Broadcasting (1989) Botswana Daily News 30 June, Number 123: 1. Fidzani, N.H. (1998) Land reform and primitive accumulation: A closer look at the Botswana TribalGrazing Land Policy. InW.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp. 229–42). Pretoria: JL van Schaik. The Gazette (1999) A 1000 years of Botswana history. The Gazette, December 22, pp. 6– 9. Grant, S. and Egner, B. (1989)The private press and democracy. In J. Holm and P.Molutsi (eds) Democracy in Botswana (pp. 247–64). Gaborone: Macmillan. Hopkins, P. (1995). Directory of Non-Governmental Organisations in Botswana. Gaborone: NORAD. Janson, T. and Tsonope, J. (1991) The Birth of a National Language: The History of Setswana. Gaborone: Heinemann & National Institute of Development Research. Jeffris, K. (1997)Poverty in Botswana. In D. Nteta and J.Hermans (eds) Poverty and Plenty: The Botswana Experience (pp. 33–59). Gaborone: Botswana Society. Kamanakao Association (1996) Report on the Installation of the Wayeyi Chief. 24 April 1999. Gumare. Kamanakao Association. Website. http://www.mindspring. com/okavango/ kamanakao/html Kaplan, R.B. and Baldauf, R.B., Jr (in press)Not only English: ‘English only’ and the world. In R.D. González with I. Melis (eds) Language Ideologies: Critical Perspectives on the Official English Movement. Champaign-Urbana, IL: NCTE. Kgengwenyane, O. (1996) President disappointing. Midweek Sun 9 October, 7. Komarek, K. and Keatimilwe, A. (1988) Language Competence and Educational Achievement in Primary Schools in Botswana: Part 11. Aligemeine Bildung, Wissenchaft und Sprot. Journal of the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ). Le Roux, J. (1997)MulticulturalEducation:WhatEveryTeacherShouldKnow. Pretoria: Kagiso. Mazonde, I. (1997)Battlefield of wits: Interface betweenNGOs, government and donors at the development site. Pula: Journal of African Studies 11 (1), 96–107. Mbuya, T. (1999) Of issues, gaffes and trivia. Mmegi: The Reporter 15–21 October, 15. Mgadla, P.T. (1998) The Kgosi in a traditional Tswana setting. In W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp. 3–10). Pretoria: JL van Schaik. Mgadla, P.T. and Campbell, A.C. (1989) Dikgotla, dikgosi and Protectorate administration. In J. Holm and P. Molutsi (eds) Democracy in Botswana (pp. 48–57). Gaborone: Macmillan. Milon, J. (1989).Discourse in the Primary English Syllabus of Botswana. Report submitted to the German Foundation for International Development. Gaborone. Ministry of Education (1982) Primary School Syllabuses for all Subjects. Department of Curriculum Development and Evaluation. Gaborone: Government Printer. Moeti, M. (1998)Blame tribalism on the constitution. Mmegi: The Reporter9–15 January, 9. Mogwe, A. (1994) Will basic human rights and individual freedoms continue to be The Language Situation in Botswana 295 protected, promoted and respected? In S. Brothers, J. Hermans and D. Nteta (eds) Botswana in the Twenty First Century (pp. 49–68). Gaborone: Botswana Society. Molutsi, P. (1994) Botswana’s democratic institutions: The strengths and prospects. In S. Brothers, J.Hermans and D. Nteta (eds) Botswana in the Twenty First Century (pp.21– 38). Gaborone: Botswana Society. Molutsi, P.P. (1998a) Elections and electoral experience in Botswana. In W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana:Politics and Society (pp. 363–77).Pretoria: JL vanShaik. Molutsi, P.P. (1998b)Politics and society in Botswana: Future scenarios. In W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana:Politics and Society (pp. 489–98).Pretoria: JL VanShaik. Mpho,M.K. (1987) Representation of cultural minorities in policy making. In J. Holm and P. Molutsi (eds) Democracy in Botswana (pp. 130–38). Gaborone: Macmillan. Murray, A. (1987) The growth of regional politics after the war: The northwest. In F. Morton and J. Ramsay (eds) The Birth of Botswana:A History of Bechuanaland Protectorate from 1910 to 1966 (pp. 110–22). Gaborone: Longman Botswana. Murray, A. (1990) Peoples’ Rights: The Case of Bayei Separatism. Roma: Institute of Southern African Studies. National Commission on Education (NCE 1) (1977a) Education for Kagisano, Vol. 1 (pp. 23–34; 235–53). Gaborone: Government Printer. National Commission on Education (NCE 1) (1977b)Education for Kagisano, Vol. 2 (pp. 2–8 –2–12). Gaborone: Government Printer. National Commission on Education (NCE 2) (1993) Report of the National Commission on Education. Gaborone: Government Printer. National Setswana Language Council (NSLC) (1984–90) Minutes and Tape Recordings of Meetings. Gaborone: NSLC. National Setswana Language Council (1989) Report on the Review of the 1981 Standard Orthography. Gaborone: NSLC. Ncqocqo, T. (1979) Origins of the Tswana. Pula Journal 1 (3), 1–16. Ndlovu, T. (1999) The language that stirred the storm. The Reporter 15–21 October, 22. [Arts and Culture Section] Nyati-Ramahobo, L. (1991) Language planning and education policy in Botswana. PhD Thesis, University of Pennsylvania. Dissertations Abstract International DAO 64793. Nyati-Ramahobo,L. (1996) Challenges for improving literacy in Botswana. Mosenodi: Journal of the Botswana Educational Research Association 4 (2), 49–55. Nyati-Ramahobo, L. (1998a) Language, culture and learning: The missing link in teacher education. In C.D. Yandila, P. Moanakwena, F.R. O’Mara, A.M. Kakanda and J. Mensah (eds) Improving Education Quality for Effective Learning: The Teacher’s Dilemma (pp. 207–14). Gaborone: Ministry of Education. [Proceedings of the Third Biennial Teacher Education Conference] Nyati-Ramahobo, L. (1998b) Language planning in Botswana. Language Problems and Language Planning 22, 48–62. Nyati-Ramahobo, L. (1999a)The National Language a Resource or a Problem: Implementation of the Language Policy of Botswana. Gaborone: Pula Press. Nyati-Ramahobo, L. (1999b) Oppression in democracy: The case of the Wayeyi. Paper presented at the African Studies Association Conference on ‘Listening to and Interpreting Africa for the Millennium’. 11–14 November 1999. Philadelphia. Obondo-Okoyo,T. and Sabone, I. (1986) Twenty Years of Progress: An Official Handbook. Gaborone: Department of Information and Broadcasting, Publicity Section & Government Printer. Parsons, N. (1985)The evolution of modern Botswana: Historical revisions. In L.A. Picard (ed.) EvolutionofModern Botswana: Politics and Rural Development in Southern Africa (pp. 26–39). Lincoln, Nebraska: Nebraska University Press & London: Rex Collins. Parsons, N. (1998) King Khama, Emperor Joe, and the Great White Queen. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Presidential Task Group (1997) Long Term Vision for Botswana: Towards Prosperity for All. Gaborone: Government Printer. Ramatsui, P. (1989) Personal communication. Ramsay, J. (1987) The neo-traditionalist: Sebele II of the Bakwena. In F. Morton and J. 296 Current Issues in Language Planning Ramsay (eds) The Birth of Botswana: A History of the Bechuanaland Protectorate from 1910–1966 (pp. 30–44). Gaborone: Longman. Ramsay, J. (1998) The establishment and consolidation of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, 1870–1910. In W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp. 62–98). Pretoria: JL van Schaik. Ramsay, J., Morton, B. and Mgadla, T. (1996).Building a Nation: A History of Botswana from 1800 to 1910. Gaborone: Longman. Republic of Botswana (1965) Chieftainship Act. Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1965) Constitution of Botswana. Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1965) Tribal Territories Act. Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1977) National Policy on Education: Government Paper No. 1 of 1977. Approved by the National Assembly, August. Gaborone. Republic of Botswana (1983) Report on the Population and Housing Census 1981. Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1985)NationalDevelopment Plan 6 1985–91.Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1988) The Official Hansard No. 95 Part 11: Proceedings of the 5th Session of the 5th Parliament. Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1989–90) The Daily News. Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1994)Government PaperNo. 2 of 1994: The Revised National Policy on Education. Gaborone. Government Printer Republic of Botswana (1995)The OfficialHansardNo. 110. Proceedings of the 5th Sessionof the 7th Parliament. Gaborone: Government Printer. Republic of Botswana (1997) National Development Plan 8: 1997/98–2002/2003. Gaborone: Government Printer. Ruiz, R. (1984) Orientations in language planning. Journal of the National Association for Bilingual Education 8 (2), 15–34.) Sechele, S.T. (1998)The role of the press in independent Botswana. InW.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp. 412–22). Pretoria: JL van Shaik. Setswana National Language Committee (1981) Setswana Standard Orthography 1981. Ministry of Education. Gaborone. Sillery, A. (1965) Founding a Protectorate: History of Bechuanaland 1885–1895. The Hague: Mouton. Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (1990) Language Literacy and Minorities. London: Minority Rights Group. Skutnabb-Kangas, T. and Phillipson, R. (1989) Wanted! Linguistic Human Rights. ROLIG-papir 44. Roskilde: Roskilde University Centre. Smieja, B. and Mathangwane, J.T. (1999) Report on the survey of language use and language attitudes in Botswana (manuscript). Sommer,G. and Vossen, R. (1995)Linguistic variationin Siyeyi. In A. Traill, R. Vossen and M. Biesele (eds) The Complete Linguist. Papers inMemoryof Patrick J. Dickens (pp. 407–79). Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Somolekae,G. andLekorwe, M.H. (1998)The chieftaincy system and politics in Botswana, 1966–1995. In W.A. Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana: Politics and Society (pp. 186–98). Pretoria: JL van Schaik. SPILL at http://www.spil.society.webjump.com. The Voice, 21 May 1998. Tlou, T. (1985) A History of Ngamiland 1750–1906: The Formation of an African State. Gaborone: Macmillan. Tlou, T. (1998) The nature of Batswana states: Towards a theory of Batswana traditional government – the Batawana case. In W.A Edge and M.H. Lekorwe (eds) Botswana Politics and Society (pp. 11–31). Pretoria: JL van Schaik. Tlou, T. and Campbell, A. (1984) History of Botswana. Gaborone: Macmillan. Tsonope, J. (1995)Prospects for the indigenous languages of Botswana. Implications of the Government White Paper No. 2 of 1994.Mosenodi: Journal of the Botswana Educational Research Association 3(1&2), 5–13. The Language Situation in Botswana 297 Visser, H. (1998) Language and cultural empowerment of the Khoesan people: The Naro experience. Lecture delivered at the University of Botswana, 6 March 1998. Vossen, R. (1988). Patterns of Language Knowledge and Language Use in Ngamiland in Botswana. Germany: Eckhard Breitinger. Wolfson, N. and Manes, J. (eds) (1985) The Language of Inequality. New York: Mouton. Appendix 1: Main Khoisan Language Groups (in brackets are sub-groups) Ju/hoan Xani Tcg’aox’ae (or = Kx’au//’ein or ‘Kxc’au/ein) Dxana Dcui Naro: (//Ana: Naro, //Gana, /Gwi, Khute) Qgoon San/N/Oakhine Nama Shua: (Xaise, Deti, Cara, Shua, Ts’ixa, Danisi, Bugakhwe, Xanikhwe) Tshwa: (Tshwa, Kua, Tshauwau, Heitshware) Tchuan ¹ Hua Hai//om !Xoo !Kwi: (/Xam, = Khomani, //Xegwi and //Ng!’e) Tshu Appendix 2: Recommendations related to Setswana and English (National Policy on Education, March 1994) Recommendation 3 [para. 2.3.30] With respect to language policy, the Commission recommends that the National Setswana LanguageCouncil be renamed the BotswanaLanguages Council and be given revised terms of Reference, including the responsibility for developing a comprehensive language policy (p. 13) Recommendation 18 [para.4.4.31] With respect to the teaching of languages in primary school, (a) English should be used as the medium of instruction from standard 2 as soon as practicable (p. 59) (d) Setswana should be taught as a compulsory subject for citizens of Botswana throughout the primaryschool system. In-service training programs should commence immediately to improve the teaching of Setswana as a subject (p. 18) Recommendation 31 [para. 5.5.7] The Commission recommends the following statement of goals for the three-year junior secondary program: The goals of the Junior Certificate Curriculum are to develop in all children 298 Current Issues in Language Planning – Proficiency in the use of Setswana and English language as tools for effective communication, study and work – an understanding of society, appreciation of culture and sense of citizenship; etc. (p. 21) Recommendation 32 [para. 5.5.13] With respect to Junior Certificate curriculum, (b) each student should take eight core subjects, namely, English, Setswana Social Studies etc. (d) in addition each student should select a minimumof two and amaximumof three optional subjects. At least one of the subject selected should be from each of the following groups of subjects: (ii) Third language (p. 63) Recommendation 46 [para. 5.10.33] In order to improve the teaching of Setswana, the Commissionrecommends that: (a) teachers should be exposed to asmany language teachingmethods as possible so as to provide a variety for the teacher and the learner, with emphasis oncommunicativeapproaches, andthereforemake Setswanamore interesting as a subject (p. 26) (b) information on job opportunities other than teaching, e.g. in the media, professions and as translators,Court interpreters, and Parliamentary translators, should be more extensively disseminated. With some guidance students at school level would then take their study of the language more seriously, recognising opportunities for development in the language (p. 66) (c) the University of Botswana’s Department ofAfrican Languages and Literature should play a leading role in guiding academic presentations in Setswana and cooperate with the Faculty of Education in promoting the teaching of Setswana.(p. 26) Recommendation number 70 [para.7.6.9] Withrespect to thedevelopment of a core curriculum for students in tertiary education institutions, the Commission recommends the following components: (d) amodule on Botswana’s culture and values, within the context of heterogeneous African cultures, noting the uniqueness and universals ofBotswana’s ways of life (p. 34) Recommendation 100 [para. 10.5.9] (c) the primary teacher training curriculum should prepare teachers to handle adequately some of the innovative methods such as Breakthrough to Setswana, Project Method, continuous Assessment, Guidance and Counseling, Special Education, Remedial Teaching, especially to support assessed progression (p. 45) The Language Situation in Botswana 299 Recommendation 101 [Para.10.5.13] (e) admission requirements should be reviewed to allow experienced primary school teachers holdingCOSC/GCE to be recruited for trainingas Setswana Teachers (p. 46) Recommendation 103 [para.10.5.19] (a) Setswana teacher training should be included in the category of critical human resource shortage alongside the Science and Technical fields of study in the proposed Grant/Loan Scheme (p. 46) (b) Setswana teachers should enjoy enhanced entry salary and parallel progression similarly to Science and Mathematics teachers (p. 46) The Author Dr Lydia Nyati-Ramahobo is currently the Dean of the Faculty of Education at the University of Botswana. She obtained her PhD in Applied Linguistics at the University of Pennsylvania in 1991. She served as head of the Department of Primary Education for four years. She was also Coordinator of the Educational ResearchNetwork in Easternand Southern Africa (ERNESA) for three years, and Chairperson of the Botswana Educational Research Association. Her major publications include The Girl Child in Botswana (UNICEF) and The National Language, a Resource or a Problem (Pula Press). Her areas of interest are language-in-education, language and ethnicity, educational research and female education. 300 Current Issues in Language Planning</p>